https://www.bitchute.com/video/M1XY736tyRnK/
https://rumble.com/v73duu0-christian-genocide-in-ethiopiahuman-rights-are-not-for-black-peoples.html
😔 “የሰብአዊ መብቶች ለጥቁር ሕዝቦች አይደሉም”፡- በጦርነትና በዘር ማጥፋት ወቅት በትግራይ ወጣቶች የተሰጡ ዓለም አቀፍ የሰብአዊ መብቶች ንግግሮችን መረዳት
ይህን ግሩም የሆነ መረጃ በጥሞና አንብበን ለታሪክ እናስቀምጠዋለን! አጥብቀው የሚጠሉን ባዕዳውያኑ ኤዶማውያን እና እስማኤላውያን ከእኛ ጋር ሊቆሙ በፍጹም አይችሉም፣ ይህ ግልጽ ነው! ከእነርሱ የከፉት ደግሞ፣ እኛው ውስጥ ለብዙ መቶ ዓመታት ተሰግስገው በመግባት ክርስትናንን፣ መስቀሉን፣ ጸበሉን፣ ግዕዝን፣ ባሕልን፣ ምግብን፣ እራሳችንን ሳይቀር አሳልፈን ስለሰጠናቸው ፣ እነርሱ ግን እየገደሉን፣ እያስራቡን፣ እየደፈሩን፣ ኢትዮጵያችንን እና ደስታችንን እየነጠቁን ያሉት የዳግማዊ ምንሊክ የመጨረሻ ትውልድ የሆኑት እራሳቸውን ጋላ-ኦሮሞ፣ ኦሮማራ፣ አማራ፣ ኢ-አማኒ፣ ኢስላም እና ፕሮቴስታንት ያደረጉትና ጠላቶቻችን የሆኑት ከሃዲዎች ናቸው። ጠላት ማንን፣ እንዴትና መቼ ተጠቅሞ እንደሚያጠቃን ያው ዘመኑ ምስጢሩን በደንብ ገልጦልናል።
😈 እ ህ ህ ህ! አረመኔውን ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ አገዛዝን እና አጋሮቹ የሆኑትን ምስጋና-ቢስ የከሃዲው ዳግማዊ ምንሊክ የመጨረሻ ትውልድ የሰይጣን ጭፍሮች ሁሉ እያደረሱብን ባለው በታሪክ ታይቶና ተሰምቶ የማይታወቅ እጅግ በጣም አስከፊ በደል እና ከባድ ወንጀል ሁሉ ከእግዚአብሔር አምላካችን እና ከቅዱሳኑ ከእነ አቡነ አረጋዊ ጋር ሆነን ለብዙ ሺህ ዓመታት እንበቀላቸዋለን፤ ይህ ግዴታችን ነው!!!
እግዚአብሔር አምላክን እና ጽዮን ማርያም እናቱን ያልከዳችሁ የአክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ልጆች ሁሉ፣ ባካችሁ፤ “ለምን ይጠሉናል? ምን አደረግናቸው? ወዘተ” ከማለት ተቆጠቡ፣ ምክኒያቱም ጠላቶቻችን የእግዚአብሔርም ጠላቶች ናቸውና ነው። ጌታችንን ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስንም ምንም ሳያደርጋቸውና በፈወሳቸውና ለድኽነት በጠራቸው ክፉኛ የጠሉት እኮ በቅርቡ የሚያውቃቸው የኢየሩሳሌም ሰዎች ናቸው። ታዲያ 'ኢየሩሳሌም ገደል ግቢ!' ይባላልን?! ጠላቶቻችን እነማን እንደሆኑ በግልጽ አውቀናልና ያለምንም ርህራሄ እና መለሳለስ ወንድ ሆነን ለበቀል መነሳት ይኖርብናል። ከአምስት መቶ ዓመታት በኋላ እና ከዚህ ሁሉ እንክብካቤና ስጦራ በኋላ ከእንግዲህ እነርሱ ይዳኑ አይዳኑ የራሳቸው ጉዳይ ነው። በጣም ብዙ እድል ነበራቸው። ከጋላ-ኦሮሞዎቹ ከእነ ግራኝ፣ ጃዋር፣ ጋቢሳ ወዘተ ጋር አብረው የሚሠሩትን ቡድኖች፣ ሜዲያዎች፣ ተቋማትና ግለሰቦች ሁሉ ተገቢውን ቅጣት ያገኙ ዘንድ ግድ ነው፤ ለሁሉም ነገር ጊዜ አለው፤ በቃ! መጃጃል ይብቃ!
Understandings of International Human Rights Discourses by Young Adults in Tigray During War and Genocide
👉 Courtesy: Journal of Contemporary Issues in Education, Vol. 20, no. 2, December 2025, Special Issue.
https://journals.library.ualberta.ca/jcie/index.php/JCIE/article/view/29728/21524
Abstract
In November 2020, a war broke out between the fascist Oromo Islamic Regime and the Tigray region in northern Ethiopia. This two-year period of extreme violence resulted in between 800,000 – 1 million Tegaru deaths, a communications blockade, sexual violence and starvation used as weapons of war, and an Ethiopian government imposed siege around Tigray to prevent entry of humanitarian aid. This study co-designed by three Tegaru researchers and one non-Tegaru researcher explored the experiences of young Tegaru adults, aged 18-25, during the early stages of the war. The findings in this paper are from semi-structured one-on-one interviews held in August/September 2022 with nine men and nine women and follow-up one-on-one interviews in January/February 2023, all of whom were living in the Tigray capital city of Mekelle. Participants shared their experiences related to the violence, siege and blockade imposed by the Ethiopian government during this period. Notably, most participants expressed strong condemnation of the actions taken by the international community, especially given the discrepancy as to how the international community responded to the Russia – Ukraine War which began in February 2022, 15 months after the conflict and genocide against Tigray began. Using the colonial matrix of power as a theoretical framework, this article shares Tegaru understandings of the international community’s response to the war and genocide in Tigray and Tegaru demands that international organizations and nation states put into action the human rights discourses they purport to support, demonstrating a desire for a universal practice of international human rights, one that does not privilege groups based on race or wealth. In not living up to these claims of the universality and neutrality of international human rights, international organizations and western nation states illustrated that human rights remains the domain of one particular subset of peoples, those with Eurocentric systems of knowing and being, who are seen as the true inheritors of the earth. These logics then destroy all other ways of knowing and being, and such acts become a production of invisibility wherein Tegaru lives are considered dispensable.
Literature Review
The war on Tigray began in November 2020, resulting in a devastating humanitarian crisis. Despite the urgency of the humanitarian crises, the international response has been significantly weak. The Tigray war has resulted in widespread human rights abuses, mass displacement, and conditions of famine. Over five million people required urgent humanitarian aid, yet starvation was weaponized as a tool of war.
One of the most alarming aspects of the Tigray crisis is the systematic denial of aid. Reports indicate that Ethiopian and Eritrean forces imposed deliberate blockades, preventing humanitarian agencies from delivering essential supplies, which resulted in catastrophic consequences.
During this time, another major international crisis broke out. The February 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia represents one of the “largest and fastest refugee movements witnessed in Europe since the end of World War II” This invasion prompted remarkable actions from the international community, with the United Nations (UN) at the forefront among various responding agencies. Several studies highlight how the UN mobilized its vast resources and networks to tackle the complex crisis, while other international organizations and regional bodies provided crucial yet supplementary assistance.
As Martin, Wu, and Yakymova point out, the “international humanitarian response to the Russian Federation’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine was immediate”. On February 24, 2022, the UN allocated $20 million from the Central Emergency Response Fund to facilitate life-saving humanitarian interventions. By the end of the year, the Ukraine Flash Appeal, which was coordinated by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (UNOCHA), raised $3.73 billion to provide emergency shelter, essential supplies, and cash assistance to millions of displaced and vulnerable individuals. Key UN agencies played important roles in implementing this response. While the UNHCR prioritized emergency housing and protection for displaced populations, aiding millions with shelter and essential items, UNICEF focused on the needs of children through healthcare, education, and access to clean water. The World Health Organization (WHO) supplied critical medical resources. Additionally, the World Food Programme (WFP) addressed food insecurity, worsened by disruptions to agricultural production and trade due to the war, while the UN Population Fund (UNFPA) ensured access to reproductive health services for women and girls. Support for Ukraine continues as the war enters its fourth year, with ongoing assistance from the UN and other international humanitarian organizations.
Despite these two conflicts having overlapping timelines, international responses differed significantly. Schenkenberg et al.’s evaluative report and Annys et al. highlight that only a fraction of needed aid reached Tigray, with less than 10% of requested assistance making it through during the peak of the crisis, addressing less than a quarter of those in the most severe need. Furthermore, aid workers faced extreme restrictions, arrests, and violence while attempting to access affected populations, and the UN OCHA disclosed 131 humanitarian violations perpetrated by the allied forces in 2021.
On the other side of the world, since February 2022, international actors have allocated over $100 billion to support Ukraine, with $20 billion designated for humanitarian efforts. In contrast, less than $2 billion has been mobilized for Tigray, failing to meet even half of the required humanitarian assistance. On the other hand, diplomatic responses to the situation in Ukraine have varied considerably, with the United Nations swiftly condemning Russia’s invasion and the General Assembly adopting a resolution that demanded an immediate
withdrawal while citing violations of the UN Charter (UN Press, 2022). However, the passage of binding resolutions was hindered by Russia’s veto power in the Security Council and the abstentions of key states like China and India. Beyond the UN framework, NATO and the EU took on a strategic role,
focusing on military aid, logistical support, and economic sanctions to undermine Russia’s war efforts while ensuring the stability of global energy and food supplies. This underscores the UN’s effective leadership in addressing the crisis in Ukraine, successfully coordinating humanitarian and diplomatic responses.
In contrast, in Tigray, international actors remained largely silent, even after Ethiopia expelled UN officials under unfounded accusations of interference.
The disparity in aid stems from geopolitical priorities rather than humanitarian needs. Humanitarian aid is fundamentally defined as urgent, impartial, and principled assistance for those affected by crises; the reality, however, is often more complex. Kahsay describes the core principles of humanitarian aid as saving lives, alleviating suffering and upholding human dignity regardless of race, nationality, or political beliefs, which is often challenged by political interests, geopolitical priorities, logistical constraints, and systemic inequities. The Chicago Council on Global Affairs argues that the international response to Ukraine demonstrates that rapid mobilization of aid is possible when there is political will. However, the global community’s lack of attention to Tigray raises critical ethical questions: Are Tigrayan lives valued less by the global community? Has the prioritization of geopolitical and ideological interests overshadowed the humanitarian responsibility to protect all civilians equally? Such an outcome represents a catastrophic failure of the international humanitarian response and implies systemic biases in global aid support and distribution. This, in turn, calls for action that humanitarian aid should be provided based on need rather than political considerations.
In a nutshell, the international response to the wars in Ukraine and Tigray highlights a significant disparity in attention and intervention. The conflict in Ukraine prompted swift and substantial support from Western nations, including military aid, financial assistance, diplomacy, and extensive media coverage, largely due to its geopolitical implications for Europe.
In contrast, the Tigray war, despite being one of the deadliest conflicts with severe humanitarian consequences, was met with relative neglect by the global
community. Analysts argue that this imbalance reflects a racial and geopolitical hierarchy that undervalues African crises. Even more troubling is the focus of the western world on the Ukraine war has influenced world decision-making and public opinion regarding the war in Tigray. Such selective humanitarianism exposes troubling inconsistencies in how the world responds to human suffering based on location and perceived strategic importance.
✞ Christian Genocide in Africa: The Edomite + Ishmaelite World Has NO EMPATHY For Christians & 'Blacks'
https://www.bitchute.com/video/GVVaCU2WY8iU/
✞ የክርስቲያን የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል በአፍሪካ፡ የኤዶማዊው እና እስማኤላውያኑ ዓለም ለክርስቲያኖች እና 'ለጥቁሮች' ርኅራኄ የለውም
Theoretical Framework - The Colonial Matrix of Power
Historically, colonialism refers to the practice of domination over a people, their knowledges, their culture, and the appropriation and exploitation of their wealth, labour and natural environment. Referring to previously colonized peoples and/or lands as existing in peripheral zones, Grosfoguel states that they “remain in a colonial situation even though they are no longer under a colonial administration”. These ongoing colonial situations and the perpetuated inequalities are referred to as coloniality .
Maldonado-Torres concurs, stating that “while colonization was supposed to be a matter of the past, more and more movements and independent intellectuals, artists, and activists are identifying the presence of coloniality everywhere” . As examples of the ubiquitousness of coloniality,
Maldonado-Torres points out that it “is maintained alive in books, in the criteria for academic performance, in cultural patterns, in common sense, in the self-image of peoples, in aspirations of self, and so many other aspects of our modern experience. In a way, as modern subjects we breathe coloniality all the time and every day” . This article speaks to the experiences of Tegaru peoples in the Tigray region of Ethiopia, a land that is considered to have never been colonized by European or western powers despite attempts by the Italians to do so. However, despite this history, the response of the international community to the war and genocide in Tigray can best be understood as a function of the colonial matrix of power.
The colonial matrix of power framework emerged from the conceptualization and theorization of Aníbal Quijano’s work on the coloniality of power.
Mignolo describes the colonial matrix of power as a “machine … [which produces] … injustices and inequalities”. As an organizing principle, the colonial matrix of power is founded on the ideas of race and racial classifications, and such practices of control, exploitation and domination have become naturalized as “objective” and “scientific” notions.
Mignolo proposes that the colonial matrix of power framework can be used to uncover and analyze the relationships of power and inequalities that exist in all societal structures. For this paper, three dimensions of the colonial matrix of power – the coloniality of power, the coloniality of knowledge and the coloniality of being – will be operationalized to understand the failure of human rights discourse during the war and genocide in Tigray.
Coloniality of power – the foundational concepts underpinning the coloniality of power are domination, control and management of “… labor, sex, subjectivity, and authority” . Germana suggests that with the process of colonization, there emerged a model of power that allowed the colonizers to imagine themselves as superior, the future, and modern, to name themselves white, and to imagine colonized peoples as inferior, backwards, and worthless, and name them according to their skin colour. This binary of racial superiority/inferiority became core to sustaining the model of power exerted by the colonizers (Quijano, 2000). Not only were colonized people naturalized as inferior due to their skin colour, their cultures, traditions, knowledges, and beliefs were also made inferior in the same way.
The domain of coloniality of knowledge refers to the epistemic dimension of the colonial matrix of power. The concept uncovers how knowledge is classified and hierarchized and to analyze how Western produced knowledge has come to be made legitimate, superior and universally accepted and how all other knowledge systems have come to be considered inferior and prescientific. The promotion and domination of a single world view (or a hegemonic episteme) reinforces and privileges concepts such as universalism, neutrality and delocalized knowledge. The current Eurocentric systems of knowledge and knowledge production impose themselves as the only true ways of knowing the world. Concurrently, these logics almost always violently marginalize, subalternize, and destroy all other forms of knowledge, especially those of formerly colonized, and/or of Indigenous peoples (Mignolo, 2007). Not only are knowledges held by formerly colonized and Indigenous peoples erased from existence, the knowledge bearers are also subjected to the same violent marginalization, destruction, and erasure processes.
Conceptualization of the coloniality of being developed as a response to questions around the impact of coloniality on colonized and Indigenous peoples’ lived experiences. In conceptualizing this dimension of the colonial matrix of power, Maldonado-Torres encourages reframing Descartes’ foundational philosophical principle – cogito, ergo sum (I think, therefore I am) – to expose its underlying assumptions and connections to coloniality of being. He states that Descartes’ principle is better interpreted as: “I think (others do not think, or do not think properly), therefore I am (others are not, lack being, should not exist or are dispensable)” . Ndlovu-Gatsheni concurs and suggests that Descartes’ principle creates divisions by placing people into zones of
being (those that can think, therefore, should exist) and zones of non-being (those that cannot think, therefore, should not exist). The zone of non-being is a psychological space where oppressed and marginalized peoples are regarded as sub-human objects, where they are not allowed to have a voice or be fully human, and, where they are denied the right to exist as human beings.
Essentially, the coloniality of being addresses colonized and Indigenous peoples’ identities as human and promotes the notion that if peoples’ humanity is in doubt, then they do not have to be viewed as human. This logic formed the basis for the displacement, eradication, and genocide of many colonized and Indigenous peoples around the world, as these peoples were not considered fully human and, therefore, were dispensable.
All dimensions of the colonial matrix of power framework interact and are intertwined, and they work together to uphold and to perpetuate the logics of coloniality, and the underlying logics of racial distinction in present society,
including how human rights discourses and law operate as an extension of violent colonial relations of power grounded in white supremacy and Eurocentric systems of knowing and being. The colonial matrix of power framework exposes the logics of coloniality which continues to violently oppress formerly colonized, Indigenous, and marginalized peoples.
♰ Christian Genocide in Ethiopia:“Human Rights Are Not for Black Peoples" (Part 2)
Discussion: Grounding International Human Rights within the Colonial Matrix of Power
In sharing the voices of the 18 participants of this study, we are attempting to demonstrate the experiences of Tegaru from November 2020 as their experiences tell us of the horrors that they survived. The indiscriminate killing of Tegaru by Ethiopian federal government forces, Eritrean government forces and other allied militias, accompanied by the deliberate destruction of health facilities and limiting access to medicines, a communications blackout, and the use of starvation and sexual violence as weapons of war for two years led Tegaru to understand that the international community, including the United Nations, African Union, and western nation states had failed to intercede at every level; the violence was allowed to continue unabated and at a level that few could imagine in the twenty first century. While Tegaru see the actions of the Ethiopian government as an act of coloniality in order to gain power over Tegaru peoples and lands as well as Tigray’s vast mineral resources, they recognize that the complicity of the international community is a result of being seen as inferior due to their skin colour, cultures, traditions, knowledges, and beliefs. In referring to the international community, the participants are speaking about both western nation states that have imbued themselves as a global moral authority as well as the African Union. As Naʻīm points out, international organizations such as the UN were founded by colonial powers and their inability to step in to stop human rights violations is a result of the very structures that created the system, one in which “the international human rights framework and its norms and institutions have already been shaped and conditioned by Western liberal values and institutions” and which are founded with a system of coloniality that allows some humans to be elevated over others. While the AU has been lauded for wanting to find “African solutions to African problems,” like the UN it is organized through member states, made up of 55 sovereign countries in Africa. It has, therefore, also been shaped and conditioned by Western liberal values that position the state as an arbiter of good governance. As such, like the UN, the AU has not created the mechanisms from which to counter internal violence within its member states, when that violence is being orchestrated by the government in power. Additionally, within the Ethiopian context, Tegaru peoples who have lived in Tigray since time immemorial are not considered to have decision-making powers regarding the resources of those lands. This can be partly attributed to how the language of Indigeneity is taken from global North contexts and does not fit into many global South contexts, once again illustrating the ways in which the promotion and domination of a single world view – a hegemonic episteme –reinforces and privileges concepts such as universalism, neutrality and delocalized knowledge.
Numerous reports from international organizations and limited peer review articles substantiate the claims of the research participants – claims that western powers and organizations such as the United Nations and African Union were very aware of the situation in Tigray. As the participants all shared, the Tegaru diaspora had also been extremely vocal from the start of the war in pushing for an international response from western and African nation states, in particular, to force a ceasefire. Yet, their calls were not heeded. As the participants point out as well as The Chicago Council on Global Affairs (2022), rapid mobilization of aid is possible when there is political will as was the case for Ukraine. Tegaru were essentially placed into a zone of non-being (Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2015) wherein the crimes against humanity and genocide being committed against them were not heard as they contend that they were regarded as sub-human objects, denied the right to exist as human beings and seen as dispensable As Fana notes, the lack of action for crimes against humanity was not due to a lack of evidence despite the communications blackout, but because they had no intention of saving Black lives. Tegaru were deemed worthless due to their supposed racial inferiority. Vincent Jones et al. argue that the documented anti-Black discrimination against Black peoples attempting to flee Ukraine at the start of the Russia-Ukraine war demonstrates how Black peoples living in Ukraine were also rendered invisible as the safe exit of white people from Ukraine was prioritized. In this way, in both Ukraine and Tigray, “the cognitive empire reproduces the coloniser’s model of the world across space and time” as exemplified through which lives are deemed worthy and which dispensable. This rendering of inferiority is a colonial construct that the African Union also upholds through the creation of a system of governance that did not consider the limitations of the Westphalian state, especially within the African context where national borders are the creation of European colonialism and the scramble for Africa.
Tegaru, both in Tigray and in the diaspora, were demanding that international organizations and other nation states put into action the human rights discourses they purport to support, demonstrating a desire for a universal practice of international human rights, one that did not privilege groups based on race, wealth or geography. In not living up to these claims of the universality and neutrality of international human rights, international organizations and western nation states illustrated that human rights remain the domain of one particular subset of peoples, those with Eurocentric systems of knowing and being, who are seen as the true inheritors of the earth. And as Mignolo points out, these logics then destroy all other ways of knowing and being; in the case of Tigray, this was “achieved” through a genocide that killed 14% of the population, erasing peoples’ ways of knowing by erasing the people themselves from their very existence.
Additionally, despite having knowledge of the degree of the crimes being committed in Tigray, Weldemichel argues that the unwillingness to “acknowledge or recognize the experiences and realities” of peoples speaks to how such acts become a production of invisibility wherein some lives become, in the words of Butler, grievable and others dispensable. Those whose lives and losses are unnoticed and unacknowledged are made to be invisible and as Weldemichel contends, this production of invisibility is epistemic; it is a form of reworlding to sustain and reproduce an “epistemologically colonised modern world” .
Conclusion and Implications
In early January 2021, when mobile telephone networks were briefly reconnected in Mekelle city in Tigray, two of the co-authors – one located in Canada and the other in Mekelle – discussed what it would take to stop the violence in Tigray. The Mekelle based co-author shared that Tegaru were waiting for Joe Biden to be sworn in as President of the United States in the hopes that a change of government in the US would result in pressure on the Ethiopian government to find a different solution. Those hopes were in vain as the violence only intensified. This speaks to the ways in which creating an international system to ensure just lives based on Euro-western models has placed peoples outside of the realms of power at the mercy of institutions and governance structures that were not built to ensure justice and well-being of those who have been deemed dispensable. Structures founded through a system of coloniality of power, knowledge and being are incapable of even acknowledging that Tegaru lives are grievable, indispensable and deserving of just futures. And an inability to acknowledge that Tegaru lives matter results in the structures of the very organizations meant to safeguard peoples becoming complicit in their dehumanization. In effect, the experiences shared by Tegaru reinforce Naʻīm’s call for a “people-centered drive to the protection of human rights … where people define and live by their own conception of human rights”, one that is driven by their own epistemic and ontological realities.
Future research will need to consider how human rights laws can be adjudicated without centring the nation state construct in the protection of peoples from human rights violations and the potential development of a framework for international human rights grounded in localized understandings of justice and clear guidelines for recourse for those whose rights are being violated within a system that does not afford power to the entity(ies) responsible for human rights violations but to peoples, all of whom are deserving of just futures.
