Italy’s Colonial Amnesia: Genocide Enabler 'Giorgia' Meloni Continues Defending Fascism

https://www.bitchute.com/video/EJqx82tVjiHn/

https://rumble.com/v6ztvpk-italys-colonial-amnesia-genocide-enabler-giorgia-meloni-continues-defending.html

❖ ገብርኤል 🧕 ማርያም ❖ ኡራኤል 😇 ጊዮርጊስ ❖ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ❖ መርቆርዮስ ❖ ዮሴፍ ❖ መድኃኔ ዓለም

😔 ጣሊያን ኢትዮጵያን ከወረረች ከ፺/ 90 ዓመታት በኋላ ዛሬም በምትኩ ልትጋፈጣቸው የሚገባቸውን ወንጀሎች ፈጻሚዎችን እያከበረቻቸው ነው።

ከዘጠና ዓመታት በፊት በመስከረም ፳፪/22 ፲፱፻፳፰/1928 (እ.አ.አ ጥቅምት 3 ቀን 1935 ዓ.ም) የፋሺስት ጣሊያን ጦር ኢትዮጵያን ወረረ፣ ይህም በዘመናዊ የዓለማችን ታሪክ ውስጥ እጅግ በጣም ጨለማ የሆነውን ምዕራፍ ከፍቷል። እ.ኤ.አ. በ1884-85 የተካሄደው ‘አፍሪካን ታሪካዊው አፍሪካን የመቀራመት የበርሊን ኮንፈረንስ እለቱን ’ ሲጀመር በልዩ ሁኔታ ነፃ የሆነችው ኢትዮጵያ የቅኝ ግዛት ካርታውን ለማጠናቀቅ በቆረጠ መንግስት በድንገት ጥቃት ገጠማት።

ዛሬም የፋሺስቱ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ አገዛዝ ሞግዚትና ዳግማዊ ጀነሳይድ አስፈጻሚዋ የጣልያን

ጠ/ሚ ጆርጂያ ሜሎኒ የፋሺስታዊ ንግግሮችን የሚያስተጋቡ ብሄራዊ ትረካዎችን በሚከላከሉበት የፖለቲካ አየር ውስጥ፣ ኢጣሊያ በምትኩ ሊገጥማት የሚገባውን ወንጀል ፈጻሚዎችን ማክበሯን ቀጥላለች። ጆርጂያ ሜሎኒ የአረመኔው ቤኒቶ ሙሶሊኒ አድናቂ ናት።

የፋሺስቱ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ አገዛዝ በአክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ላይ ባለፉት አምስት ዓመታት ብቻ እያካሄደው ያለው ተወዳዳሪ የሌለው አሰቃቂ የዘር ማጥፋት ጂሃድ ፋሺስት ጣልያን ካካሄደችው በመቶ እጥፍ የከፋና የከበደ ነው። በዚህም ኤዶማውያኑ ሮማውያን እና እስማኤላውያኑ መሀመዳውያን እጅግ በጣም መደሰታቸውን እያየነው ነው። የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ሆይ ተነሳ! ሃገርህን ተረከብ፣ እናትና አባቶችህን እንዲረግሙህ አታድርግ፣ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብህን አድን፣ ይህን ቆሻሻና አረመኔ አገዛዝ እኮ የአንድም ዕለት ዕድሜ እንኳን ልትጨምርለት ፈጽሞ አይገባም! ባክህ ለበቀል ተነሳ! ግዴታህ እኮ ነው!

👏 ይህን ግሩም ጽሑፍ የጻፈልን ጣልያናዊ ነው። የኛዎቹ የት አሉ?

👉 Courtesy: https://www.ips-journal.eu/topics/democracy-and-society/italys-colonial-amnesia-8587/

Ninety years after its invasion of Ethiopia, Italy continues to honour the perpetrators of crimes it should instead confront

Ninety years ago, on 3 October 1935, Italian troops invaded Ethiopia, opening one of the darkest chapters in modern history. Ethiopia, uniquely independent when the Berlin Conference of 1884–85 started the European ‘Scramble for Africa’, suddenly faced an assault by a state determined to complete the colonial map.

The campaign was not a sideshow. It was the last large-scale European colonial conquest in Africa — a deliberate war of aggression that defied the League of Nations and shocked contemporaries. Italian planes dropped mustard gas on soldiers and civilians alike. Entire villages were bombed and burned; survivors were deported to camps. Tens of thousands died.

Yet for decades, this invasion has remained at the margins of public memory. Italians tend to recall the fall of fascism or the devastation of the Second World War, while the Ethiopian war – and earlier aggressions in Libya, Somalia and Eritrea – are still dismissed as an embarrassing footnote. This year’s 90th anniversary is unlikely to be treated differently.

The myth of the ‘good Italian’

A central reason lies in the enduring myth of ‘italiani brava gente’ — the belief that Italians were somehow ‘better’ colonisers. As the historian Angelo Del Boca has shown, this narrative was cultivated from the very start of Italy’s expansion in 1885. Governments and cultural institutions promoted the idea that they brought roads, railways and architecture rather than chains and massacres. For decades, textbooks framed Italy’s presence in Africa as a civilising mission, while popular culture romanticised the colonies as lands of adventure. Echoes of this narrative still linger.

But the story collapses under the weight of evidence.

The conquest of Ethiopia was meant to be Mussolini’s crowning achievement: proof that a ‘new Roman Empire’ could be built in the 20th century. Yet Italy’s imperial ambitions pre-dated fascism. Liberal governments, with full backing from the monarchy, had seized Eritrea and Somalia in the 1880s and 1890s; attempted and failed to conquer Ethiopia in 1896 at Adwa; and in 1911 invaded Ottoman Libya, carrying out mass deportations and pioneering aerial bombing of civilians. These campaigns foreshadowed the brutality of the 1935 assault.

From conquest to oppression

In 1935, Italian forces advanced from Eritrea and Italian Somaliland, deploying tanks, aircraft and chemical weapons in violation of the 1925 Geneva Protocol. On 5 May 1936, Marshal Pietro Badoglio entered Addis Ababa at the head of his victorious troops and proclaimed the end of hostilities — yet the war was far from over. Less than a quarter of Ethiopia’s territory had been occupied, and at least 100 000 soldiers loyal to Emperor Haile Selassie remained at arms. What followed was a hidden war of resistance, largely suppressed by censorship, that lasted until February 1937. The war is estimated to have claimed the lives of around 70 000 Ethiopian soldiers and between 120 000 and 200 000 civilians.

Italian control lasted until 1941, when Ethiopian resistance, British intervention and the Second World War brought down Italian East Africa.

Even as clashes continued, Mussolini declared the creation of Italian East Africa, merging Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia into a single colony, and crowned King Vittorio Emanuele III as Emperor of Ethiopia.

Occupation was marked by systematic violence. The most infamous episode was ‘Yekatit 12’, when reprisals after an assassination attempt on viceroy Rodolfo Graziani left more than 30 000 civilians dead. Villages were razed to the ground, populations deported and forced into labour on infrastructure projects under brutal conditions. Resistance was met with executions, mass imprisonment and concentration camps where thousands died from disease and starvation. Italian authorities dismantled traditional governance, imposing language and culture in a bid to eliminate Ethiopian self-rule.

Italian control lasted until 1941, when Ethiopian resistance, British intervention and the Second World War brought down Italian East Africa. Haile Selassie was restored to the throne, but the scars of occupation – physical, social and political – remained.

Silence and denial

After 1945, Italians struggled to confront fascism’s crimes abroad. Successive governments found it easier to stress Italy’s victimhood under Nazism than its role as a colonial aggressor. Unlike Germany, Italy never underwent a systematic reckoning with its imperial past. This amnesia also reflects a deeper issue rooted in the post-war period, when the Resistance was elevated to a founding myth of the new Republic. The heroism of some 200 000 partisans and their supporters allowed the country to reimagine fascism not as a national project, but as a tragic aberration inflicted on Italians. In this version of history, Italians emerged as victims, absolved from the complicities that sustained two decades of dictatorship — a far cry from the antifascist intellectual Piero Gobetti’s indictment of fascism as ‘the autobiography of the nation’. This narrative, however, left no room to acknowledge responsibilities for the crimes committed during the occupation of Ethiopia and the other colonies.

The result is striking: public commemorations of the Ethiopian invasion are minimal. When the subject surfaces, it is often accompanied by nostalgia for roads, bridges or Art Deco buildings. Public figures have even celebrated the modernist legacy of ‘our architecture’, reflecting an aestheticised memory that sidelines violence. The return of the Axum obelisk from Rome to Ethiopia in 2005, after decades of dispute, remains one of the few symbolic acts of acknowledgement. When it was re-erected in 2008, critics, such as then-minister Vittorio Sgarbi, opposed the restitution and, years later, even encouraged attempts to ‘get it back’ on grounds of alleged neglect, implying Italians would be better at preserving the monument. Apart from Italian-Libyan diplomatic reparations in 2008 – when Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi apologised ‘for the suffering inflicted during the colonial period’ and signed a treaty worth $5 billion in investments and compensation – Italy has never publicly reconciled with its colonial violence through state apologies or reparations. Debates exist in academia and among activists, but not at the level of official national policy.

In a political climate where PM Meloni defends nationalist narratives that echo fascist talking points, Italy continues to honour the perpetrators of crimes it should instead confront.

However, remembering the Ethiopian war is not just an academic exercise. It speaks directly to questions of historical responsibility and the politics of memory in Europe. While statues of imperial figures spark fierce debate across much of the Western world, Italy’s colonial record is largely absent. Even the Black Lives Matter wave had limited traction beyond 2020’s mass rallies. Perhaps the most visible flashpoint was the statue of Indro Montanelli in Milan – defaced in 2020 over his admitted ‘marriage’ to a 12-year-old Eritrean girl during the colonial war – which triggered a culture-war backlash rather than a sustained reckoning; the mayor refused to remove the monument.

Acknowledging this past would also give depth to Italy’s contemporary relationship with Africa. Migration, trade and development policy are all shaped by historical ties, whether recognised or not. Pretending colonial ventures were benign does nothing to build mutual respect. Ninety years after the invasion, Italy does not need rituals of guilt, but it does need clarity. In a political climate where Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni defends nationalist narratives that echo fascist talking points, Italy continues to honour the perpetrators of crimes it should instead confront. In 2012, the town of Affile inaugurated a monument to Rodolfo Graziani, the viceroy who ordered the 1937 Addis Ababa massacre, while nearby Filettino – home to the Graziani family – still hosts a public park bearing his name, renovated with regional funds as recently as 2017. Confronting the full reality of Italy’s colonial past, and the violence it inflicted on others, is more urgent than ever.

🔥 Italians Committed Terrible Crimes, Then Forgot Them: Addis Ababa Fascist Massacre & Poison Gas 19 Feb 1937

https://wp.me/piMJL-cq0

https://www.bitchute.com/video/QMQ0ofCxPdrj/

🔥 የካቲት ፲፪/12 ፲፱፻፳፱/1929 ዓ.ም | ጣሊያኖች አስከፊ ወንጀሎችን ፈጽመዋል፣ ከዚያም ረሷቸው፤ ፋሽስት ኢጣልያ በአዲስ አበባ የፈጸመችው እልቂትና መርዝ ጋዝ እ.አ.አ የካቲት 19 ቀን 1937 ዓ.ም.

💭 Italy Invited a Genocider Black Mussolini aka Ahmed Ali | Woe to Italy, Mount Etna is Boiling!

💭 ኢጣሊያ የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል የፈፀመውን ጥቁር ሙሶሎኒ አቢይ አህመድ አሊን ጋበዘችው| ጣሊያን ወዮላት! የኤትና ተራራ/እሳተ ገሞራ እየፈላ ነው

https://www.bitchute.com/video/OdrYeyz4h2gO/

https://wp.me/piMJL-ba9

💭 Giorgia Meloni in 1996: “Mussolini Was a Good Politician, in That Everything He Did, He Did for Italy.” Wow!

Aid Workers 'Executed' in Ethiopia's Genocidal Tigray War by The Fascist Oromo Islamic Army, MSF Says

https://rumble.com/v6w7lu4-msf-aid-workers-executed-in-ethiopias-genocidal-tigray-war-by-the-fascist-o.html

https://www.bitchute.com/video/6RllWW6isdRp/

 😔 በዘር አጥፊው የትግራይ ጦርነት ወቅት የድንበር የለሽ የሐኪሞች ቡድን ረድኤት ሠራተኞች "ሆነ ተብሎ እና ዒላማ ተደርገው"በፋሽስት ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ ጦር መገደላቸውን ድርጅቱ አስታወቀ

 😢😢😢 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😠😠😠

 ✞✞✞ R.I.P /R.I.F/D.E.P/ ነ.ይ / ነፍሳቸውን ይማርላቸው ✞✞✞

• 🛑 ይህን መመሳሰል ማየት ትችላላችሁን? (ሌላም ብዙ ጉድ አለ!) ♰ ማሪያ ሄርናንዴዝ እና ጉዳፍ ጸጋይ
• 🛑 Can you see the resemblance? ♰ María Hernández & Gudaf Tsegay

ሜድሳ ሳን ፍሮንቴር ወይንም ድንበር የለሽ ሐኪሞች)(ኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ) እ.አ.አ በ2021 በትግራይ የሶስት ሰራተኞቹ ግድያ ላይ የውስጥ ግምገማ ግኝቶችን ይፋ አደረገ።

በግምገማው ጥቃቱ ሆን ተብሎ እና በግልፅ ተለይተው የታወቁ ሶስት የረድኤት ሰራተኞች ላይ ያነጣጠረ ግድያ መሆኑን አረጋግጧል። ተቋሙ እንደሚለው፤

• በትግራይ፣ ኢትዮጵያ በባልደረቦቻችን ላይ አሰቃቂ ግድያ ከተፈጸመ ከአራት ዓመታት በኋላ፣ MSF የራሳችንን የውስጥ ግምገማ ግኝቶች እያወጣ ነው።

• ግኝታችን እንደሚያሳየው በማሪያ ሄርናንዴዝ ማታስ፣ ቴዎድሮስ ገብረማርያም ገብረሚካኤል እና ዮሃንስ ሃለፎም ረዳ ላይ የተፈፀመው ጥቃት ሆን ተብሎ እና በግልፅ የሚታወቁ የረድኤት ሰራተኞች ላይ የተደረገ ግድያ ነው።

• ኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ (MSF) በጁን 2021 ከተገደሉበት ጊዜ ጀምሮ መደበኛ እና ግልፅ የሆነ ምርመራ በኢትዮጵያ ባለስልጣናት እንዲደረግ ጠይቋል። እስካሁን መልስ ግን የለም!

ከአራት ዓመታት በኋላ ኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ አሁንም ከኢፌዴሪ (ኢፌዴሪ) እና ከህዝባዊ ወያነ ሓርነት ትግራይ (ህወሓት) ጋር ለመነጋገር ያላሰለሰ ጥረት ቢደረግም ፤ ሁለቱም ሀይሎች በሰፊው የግጭት ቀጠና ውስጥ የነበሩ ቢሆንም አሁንም በባልደረቦቻችን ላይ ስለደረሰው ነገር አስተማማኝ መልስ አላገኘም።

ከአራት ዓመታት በፊት በትግራይ ጦርነት ወቅት በክልሉ የሰብዓዊ ተልዕኮ ላይ የነበሩ ድንበር የለሽ የሐኪሞች ቡድን (ኤምኤስኤፍ) ሦስት ሠራተኞች "ሆን ተብሎ እና በግልጽ ተለይተው" በኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ሠራዊት "ያነጣጠረ ግድያ" እንደተፈጸመባቸው ድርጅቱ አስታወቀ።

የረድዔት ድርጅቱ ሠራተኞቹ በተገደሉበት መንገድ ላይ የኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ሠራዊት 'ኮንቮይ' [ተሽከርካሪዎች] እንደነበር ማረጋገጡን እንዲሁም አንድ የጦሩ አዛዥ "ተኩስ" እና "አስወግዳቸው" የሚል ትዕዛዝ መስጠታቸውን ጠቁሟል።

አንድ የኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ ከፍተኛ ኃላፊ ራኬል አዮራ "ሆን ተብሎ ነው የተገደሉት፤ ከአጥቂዎቻቸው ጋር ፊት ለፊት እየተያዩ ነበር እና በጣም በቅርብ ርቀት ብዙ ጊዜ በጥይት ተመተዋል" ሲሉ ለቢቢሲ ተናግረዋል።

ድርጅቱ ይህን ያስታወቀው ከአራት ዓመታት በፊት፣ ሰኔ ፳፻፲፫/ 2013 ዓ.ም. በትግራይ ክልል በሦስት ሠራተኞቹ ላይ "ሆን ተብሎ ያነጣጠረ" ግድያ መፈጸሙን አስመልክቶ በውስጣዊ ምርመራ የደረሰባቸውን ግኝቶች ይፋ ባደረገበት ወቅት ነው።

ሦስቱ የኤምኤስኤፍ ሠራተኞች የተገደሉት የትግራይ ጦርነት እየተካሄደ በነበረበት ወቅት በክልሉ ማዕከላዊ ዞን ነው።

ሦስቱ ሠራተኞች የ፴፭/35 ዓመቷ ስፔናዊቷ ማሪያ ሄርናንዴዝ ማታስ እንዲሁም ሁለቱ ኢትዮጵያውያን የ፴፩/31 ዓመቱ ቴዎድሮስ ገብረማርያም እና የ፴፪/32 ዓመቱ ዮሐንስ ሃለፎም ረዳ ናቸው።

ዮሐንስ እና ቴዎድሮስ ድርጅቱን የተቀላቀሉት ከመገደላቸው ጥቂት ወራት ቀደም ብሎ ሲሆን፣ ማርያ ሄርናንዴዝ ደግሞ ለዓመታት የድርጅቱ የድንገተኛ ጊዜ እርዳታ አስተባባሪ ሆኖ ሠርታለች።

የሦስቱ ሠራተኞች አስክሬን ግድያው በተፈጸመ ማግስት ይጓዙበት ከነበረበው ተሽከርካሪ በአራት መቶ/400 ሜትሮች ርቀት ላይ የተገኘ ሲሆን፤ ተሽከርካሪያቸው ደግሞ በተደጋጋሚ በጥይት ተመትቶ እንዲሁም ተቃጥሎ ነበር።

ማሪያ እና ዮሐንሰ በተተኮሰባቸው ወቅት በእግራቸው እየተራመዱ እንደነበር የተናገሩት አዮራ "ለጥያቄ ተጠርተው ይሁን ወይም ከወታደሮቹ ጋር እንነገጋር ብለው የምናውቀው ነገር የለም" ብለዋል።

ኤምኤስኤፍ ባካሄደው ምርመራ "ጥቃቱ ሆን ተብሎ እና በግልጽ በሚታወቁ ሦስት የረድኤት ሠራተኞች ላይ ያነጣጠረ ግድያ መሆኑን" እንዲሁም "የኤምኤስኤፍ ሠራተኞች በተገደሉበት በዚሁ መንገድ ላይ የኢትዮጵያ ብሔራዊ መከላከያ ሠራዊት ኮንቮይ እንደነበረም" ማረጋገጡን ገልጿል።

በጊዜው ጦርነቱ እየተካሄደ በነበረበት የትግራይ ክልል የህክምና አገልግሎት በመስጠት ላይ የነበሩት ሶስቱ ሰራተኞች በወቅቱ በነበረው ግጭት ቆሰሉ ህሙማንን ለመርዳት እየተጓዙ እንደነበር ድርጅቱ አስታውቋል።

ሰራተኞች በማዕከላዊ ትግራይ ዓቢ አዲ ከተማ አቅራቢያ ወደሚገኝ መንደር በግልጽ ምልክት በተደረገበት የኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ መኪና እየተጓዙ እንደነበር አክሏል።

"[ሰራተኞቹ] በጉዟቸው ወቅት የተሽከርካሪያቸው ጉዞ ተቆርጦ ተገድለዋል" ሲል ድርጅቱ የግድያውን አፈጻጸም አስታውቋል።

ኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ ሰራተኞቹን ግድያ በተመለከተ ከፌደራል መንግስት እና ከህወሓት ጋር ለመነጋገር ጥረት ቢያደርግም "ለአራት ዓመታት በኋላም ሰራተኞቹ ላይ ስለደረሰው ነገር አስተማመኝ መልስ አላገኘም" ብሏል።

የኢትዮጵያ ባለሥልጣናት ምርመራ እየተካሄደ እንደሆነ ማረጋገጫ መስጠታቸውን የጠቆመው ድርጅቱ "ከአራት ዓመታት በኋላ ኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍም ሆነ የተጎጂ ቤተሰቦች ምንም አይነት ተዓማኒነት ያለው መልስ አላገኙም" ሲል አክሏል።

የድርጅቱ ፕሬዝዳንት ፓውላ ጊል "የተጠናቀቀውን የምርመራ ውጤቶችን ለማጋራት በቂ የፖለቲካ ፍቃደኝነት እንደሌለ ብቻ መገመት እንችላለን" ማለታቸው በውስጣው የምርመራ ሪፖርቱ መግለጫ ላይ ተጠቅሷል።

ፕሬዝዳንቷ "ምንም ይፋዊ የመንግሥት መግለጫ ከሌለ ለሰራተኞቻችን እና ለሟች ባልደረቦቻችን ቤተሰቦች የደረስንባቸው ግኝቶች ለሕዝብ የማሳወቅ ሥነ ምግባር ግዴታ አለብን ይህ ችላ ሊባል ወይም ተቀብሮ ሊቀር በማይገባው አሰቃቂ ግድያ ላይ የተወሰነ ብርሃን ሊሰጥ የሚችል አስፈላጊ እርምጃ ነው" ሲሉ ውስጣዊ ምርመራውን ገልጸውታል።

ሁሉም የኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ አርማ ያለበት እና የኤምኤስኤፍ አርማ እና ባንዲራ በሚያሳይ ተሽከርካሪ፤ ነጭ ካባ ለብሰው በመጓዝ ላይ የነበሩት ሶስት ሰራተኞች "አጥቂዎቻቸውን እየተመለከቱ ከቅርብ ርቀት በተደጋጋሚ በጥይት ተደብደበዋል" ሲል ድርጅቱ ገልጿል።

"እነሱ [የኢትዮጵያ ሰራዊት] የሰብዓዊ ረድኤት ሰራተኞችን እንደሚገድሉ ያውቁ ነበር" ሲሉ የኤምኤስኤፍ ስፔን ጄኔራል ዳይሬክተር ራኬል አዮራ ተናግረዋል።

ኤምኤስኤፍ እንዲህ አይነት ድምዳሜ ላይ ለመድረስ የሳተላይት ምስሎች፣ የዓይን እማኞችን እንዲሁም የኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች እንቅስቃሴን አስመልከቶ በይፋ የታወቁ መረጃዎችን መመርኮዙን አመላክቷል።

የኢትዮጵያ ወታደሮች ግድያው በተፈጸመበት "ትክክለኛው ቦታ" ላይ እንደነበሩ የረድኤት ድርጅቱ አክሎ ገልጿል።

ኃላፊዋ ለቢቢሲ የኢትዮጵያ የፍትህ ሚኒስቴር ባለስልጣናት ባደረጉት ቅድመ ምርመራ የመከላከያ ወታደሮች ግድያው በተፈጸመበት ቦታ አልነበሩም ሲሉ በቃል በአውሮፓውያኑ 2022 አጋማሽ ለኤምስኤፍ አሳውቀዋል ብለዋል።

ሆኖም ባለስልጣናቱ ይህንን ቃላቸውን በጽሁፍ ለማስፈር ፈቃደኛ አልነበሩም ያሉት አዮራ የረድዔት ሰራተኞቹ ግድያን የፈጸሙ ተጠያቂ እንዲሆኑ ለማድረግ በተደጋጋሚ ከኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ጋር ለመነጋገር መሞከራቸውን ገልጸዋል።

የኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ ፕሬዝዳንት ፓውላ ጊል "ይህ በተኩስ ልውውጥ የተከሰተ ነገር አይደለም ወይም አሳዛኝ ስህተት አልነበረም። ባልደረቦቻችን የተገደሉት ሆን ተብሎ በተፈጸመ ጥቃት ነው" ሲል ክስተቱን ገልጸውታል።

ድርጅቱ እማኞችን ጠቅሶ በሪፖርቱ እንዳሰፈረው የኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ጦር በአካባቢው ከመኖሩ ባሻገር "በጥቃቱ ውስጥ የተሳተፉበትን መጠን እና ባህሪ" አብራርቷል።

በዚህም "የኢትዮጵያ የመከላከያ ወታደሮች [በግድያው] ቀጥተኛ ተሳትፎ እንደነበራቸው" ከመከላከያ ጦሩ ኮንቮይ ጋር ሲጓዙ ከነበሩ ምስክሮች መረጃዎችን መቀበሉን ገልጿል።

አንድ ወታደር ለአካባቢው የኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ጦር አዛዥ ወደ አካባቢው ነጭ [የኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ] መኪና እየተቃረበ እንደሆነ ተኩሱ ትዕዛዝ እንደሰጠ ሪፖርቱ የዓይን እማኞችን ዋቢ አድርጎ ጠቅሷል።

ከአፍታ በኋላም ወታደሮቹ ለመተኮስ ሞክረው መኪናዋ አቢ አዲ ደርሳ እንደቆመች መናገራቸውን ተከትሎ የጦር አዛዡ "ሂዱና ያዟቸው" እንዲሁም "አስወግዷቸው" የሚል ትዕዛዝ መስጠቱን ሪፖርቱ አመላክቷል።

ድርጅቱ ከግድያው በኋላ ከኢትዮጵያ መንግሥት ባለስልጣናት ጋር ከሃያ/20 በላይ ስብሰባዎች ማድረጉን ጠቁሟል።

በተለያዩ ጊዜ የውስጥ ምርመራ ግኝቶችን ከደጋፊ ቁሳቁሶች ጋር ለፍትህ ሚኒስትር ማካፈላቸውን የሚያነሱት ፕሬዝዳንቷ ፓውላ፤ "የኢትዮጵያ ባለስልጣናት ተአማኒነት ያለው ምርመራ አጠናቅቀው ውጤቶቹን ለማጋራት ያለማቋረጥ ቢጠየቁም ሊያቀርቡ አልቻሉም፣ ይህም የማያጠያይቅ እና ተቀባይነት የሌለው ነው'' ብለዋል።

ድንበር የለሹ የሐኪሞች ቡድን ከሶስት ዓመታት በፊትም ለኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ጥያቄ አቅርቦ ነበር። ድርጅቱ ጥያቄውን ያቀረበው ግድያውን በተመለከተ ዘ ኒው ዮርክ ታይምስ የምርመራ ዘገባ ካወጣ በኋላ ሲሆን የኢትዮጵያ መንግስት ለሪፖርቱ ምላሽ እንዲሰጥ ጠይቆ ነበር።

በጊዜው የኤም.ኤስ.ኤፍ ፕሬዝዳንት ፓውላ ድርጅቱ በራሱ ኣካሄደው ምርመራ በቀጥታ ገዳዮቹ እንደማን እንደሆኑ እና ምክንያታቸው ምን እንደሆነ ማወቅ አልቻለም ብለው ነበር።

ነገር ግን የዘ ኒው ዮርክ ታይምስ ዘገባ ሶስት ድንበር የለሽ የሐኪሞች ቡድን ሰራተኞች የተገደሉት በኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ሰራዊት አባላት መሆኑን ማመላከቱ ይታወሳል።

ጋዜጣው የመከላከያ ሠራዊት አባላት፤ የእርዳታ ሠራተኞች እና ግድያውን የሚመረምሩ ሰዎችን ዋቢ አድርጎ በሰራው ዝርዝር ዘገባ፤ ሦስቱ ሠራተኞች እያፈገፈጉ በነበሩ የመከላከያ ሠራዊት አባላት መገደላቸውን አረጋግጫለሁ ብሏል።

የረድዔት ሰራተኞቹ ግድያ የተከሰተው ጦርነቱ በተፋፋመበት ወቅት እና የኢትዮጵያ እና የኤርትራ ወታደሮች በትግራይ ክልል በተሰማሩ የእርዳታ ሰራተኞች ላይ ያላቸው ጠበኝነት እየጨመረ ባለበት ወቅት ነው ተብሏል።

ማሪያ በክልሉ ከጦርነቱ በፊትም ትሰራ እንደነበር የገለጹት አዮራ "በማህበረሰቡ ዘንድ የተወደደች ነበረች" ብለዋል።

ቴዎድሮስ የተገደለው ባለቤቱ ሴት ልጅ እንደተገላገለች ብዙም ሳይቆይ እንደሆነ የገለጹት አዮራ፤ ልጃቸውንም በሞተችው የኤምኤስኤፍ ሰራተኛ ስም ማሪያ ተሰይማለች።

የትግራይ ኃይሎች በአንድ ወገን እንዲሁም በሌላ ወገን የኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ እና የኤርትራ ኃይል በጋራ ሆነው በተደረገው ደም አፋሳሽ ጦርነት ስድስት መቶ/600 ሺህ ዜጎች ማለቃቸውን የቀድሞው የናይጄሪያ ፕሬዚዳንት እና ግጭቱ እንዲቋጭ ያደራደሩት ኦሊሴጉን ኦባሳንጆ መግለጻቸው ይታወሳል።

ተመራማሪዎች በትግራይ የተከሰተው ሞት በውጊያ፣ ረሃብ እና የጤና አገልግሎት ማጣት እንደሆነ ገልጸዋል።

😔 ባዕዳውያኑ ለሦስቱ ምስኪን ሠራተኞቻቸው ሞት እንዲህ ተገቢ በሆነ መልክ ይሞግታሉ/ይቆማሉ፣ ለፍትሕና ተጠያቂነት ይቆማሉ የኢትዮጵያ ዘ-ስጋ ማሕበረሰብ ግን ለሃገረ ኢትዮጵያ ሲባል ለተሰውት እስከ ሁለት ሚሊየን የሚሆኑት አባቶቹ፣ እናቶቹ፣ ወንድሞቹ እና እኅቶቹ ድምጹን እንኳን ከማሰማት ተቆጥቧል።

ጊዜ በመግዛት ላይ ያሉት ጀነሳይዱን ፈጻሚዎቹ የእኛዎቹ በትኩስ ደም የተጠሙት አረመኔዎች ግን ሌላ የጀነሳይድ ድራማ እየፈጠሩ ተጨማሪ ደም ለማፍሰስ ከመተወን ውጭ ዝም ጭጭ ማለቱን መርጠዋል። ይህን እና ሌሎች ፍትሕን እና ተጠያቂነትን ባፋጣኝ የሚፈልጉትን በአስቃቂነታቸውና በጭካኒያቸው ተወዳዳሪ የማይገኝላቸውን በጣም ብዙ የሆኑ ጭፍጨፋዎችን ዛሬም አፍነው ለዲያብሎሳዊ ፖለቲካ ሤራቸው ሊገለገሉባቸው አቅደዋል። ለጉዳዩ ተገቢውን ትኩረት አለመስጠታቸው፣ ዝምታቸውና ቸልተኝነታቸው ያው ይህ የኤም.ኤፍ.ኤስ ዘገባ እንደጠቆመን ሁሉም የከሃዲው ዳግማዊ ምንሊክ የመጨረሻ ትውልዶች(ኦነግ/ብልጽግና + ሕወሓት + ሻዕቢያ + ብአዴን + ኢዜማ + አብን + ፋኖ/ቄሮ ወዘተ የዘር ማጥፋቱን/ጀነሳይዱን ሁሉም በጋራ የፈጸሙት ስለሆነ ነው። በድጋሚ ይህ ዘገባ የሚያረጋግጥልንም ይህኑ ዲያብሎሳዊ ሤራቸውን ነው። ዛሬ እንደለመደው ሌላ ነገር የሚቀባጥር ሁሉ የጀነሳይዱ ፈጻሚ የኢትዮጵያ ዘ-ስጋ አካል ነው። እነዚህን አረመኔዎች በፍጹም አንለቃቸውም! ዛሬ በራዕይ የታየኝን ማውሳት ብችል በድንጋጤ ብቻ ተፈርፍረው ወደ ኤርታ አሌ እሳተ ገሞራ ይወድቃሉ።

Ethiopia: Médecins sans frontières (MSF) releases findings of internal review into 2021 Tigray killing of three staff members.

The review confirmed that the attack was an intentional and targeted killing of three clearly identified aid workers.

• Four years on since the brutal killing of our colleagues in Tigray, Ethiopia, MSF is releasing the findings of our own internal review.

• Our findings show that the attack on María Hernández Matas, Tedros Gebremariam Gebremichael, and Yohannes Halefom Reda, was the intentional and targeted killing of clearly identified aid workers.

• MSF has requested a formal and transparent investigation be carried out by the Ethiopian authorities many times since their killing in June 2021.

Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has published the findings of an internal review into the brutal killing of three of our staff members — María Hernández Matas, Tedros Gebremariam Gebremichael, and Yohannes Halefom Reda — in central Tigray, Ethiopia, on 24 June 2021.

The review confirmed that the attack was an intentional and targeted killing of three clearly identified aid workers. It also established that a convoy of Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF) was present at the time of the incident, on the same road where the MSF personnel were killed.

María, Tedros, and Yohannes were working with MSF to provide medical care in the conflict-affected region of Tigray. On 24 June 2021, they were travelling in a clearly marked MSF vehicle to a village near Abi Adi town in central Tigray to refer patients who had been wounded in recent fighting. During their journey, their vehicle was intercepted, and they were killed.

Four years on, MSF still does not have credible answers about what happened to our colleagues, despite tireless attempts to engage with both the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) — both of whose forces were present in the wider conflict zone.

“Despite repeated assurances from the Ethiopian authorities that an investigation was underway, four years on, neither MSF nor the victims’ families have received any credible answers,” says Paula Gil, President of MSF Spain. “We can only assume that there is insufficient political will to share the findings of a completed investigation.”

“In the absence of any official account, we have a moral obligation towards our staff and the families of our late colleagues to make our own findings public – a necessary step to shed light on a brutal killing that must not be ignored or buried,” says Gil.

Immediately after the incident, MSF launched an internal review – our standard practice following a critical security incident. The evidence confirmed that the attack on the MSF team was intentional and targeted. The victims — all wearing white vests clearly marked with the MSF logo and traveling in a vehicle visibly displaying the MSF logo and flag — were shot multiple times at close range, while facing their attacker. Their bodies were found up to 400 metres from their vehicle, which was burned and riddled with bullets.

“This was not the result of crossfire, nor was it a tragic mistake. Our colleagues were killed in what can only be described as a deliberate attack,” adds Gil.

MSF’s internal review also clearly established that a large retreating convoy of the ENDF was moving south on the same stretch of road where MSF’s staff members were killed on the day of the attack. This was corroborated by multiple sources available in the public domain, including media reports and open-source satellite imagery, as well as several civilian witnesses.

Beyond the confirmed presence of the ENDF in the area, what remains to be clarified is the extent and nature of their involvement in the attack. MSF received concerning witness accounts — including from civilians travelling with the ENDF convoy in various capacities — that directly implicated ENDF soldiers in the attack. One witness reported overhearing a radio exchange where an ENDF commander gave orders to “shoot” at an approaching white car and “remove them”.

Since 2021, MSF has held over 20 high-level meetings with officials in the Ethiopian government and submitted numerous formal requests for a credible, transparent investigation to be carried out, and for findings to be shared.

“Over the past four years, we have done everything in our power to engage constructively with the Ethiopian authorities, including sharing the findings of our internal review on several occasions between November 2021 and October 2023, along with supporting materials, with the Ministry of Justice,” says Gil.

“MSF’s review clearly demonstrates that it was — and remains — feasible to establish the facts about the incident,” says Gil. “Given this, and the substantiated information confirming ENDF presence at the time of the attack, it is both unconscionable and unacceptable that the Ethiopian authorities have consistently failed to conclude a credible investigation and share its findings.”

MSF is making this internal review public not only out of moral obligation, but also to demand that governments protect humanitarian workers and medical facilities and that those responsible for attacks on humanitarians and medical staff are held accountable. Attacks on humanitarian personnel are rising globally, while states increasingly neglect their duty to investigate and prosecute violations of international humanitarian law, and the international community continues to look away.

The brutal killing of María, Tedros, and Yohannes is an emblematic case of the dangers faced by humanitarian workers. If there is no investigation of such an egregious attack, it sets a dangerous precedent in Ethiopia and reinforces an alarming pattern of impunity for attacks on healthcare globally.

“María, Tedros, and Yohannes lost their lives while helping people in crisis,” says Gil. “They are in our thoughts every day. Their murder must not be forgotten or met with silence. MSF hopes that by pursuing the truth of what happened to them, we can contribute to building a safer environment for humanitarians — not only in Ethiopia, but in conflict zones around the world.”