👉 Courtesy:The
Coversation, by Teklehaymanot G. Weldemichael, Manchester,
February 12, 2026
The Tigray
region in Ethiopia’s north has endured one of the world’s
deadliest armed conflicts of the 21st century. Between 2020 and 2022,
as many as 800,000 people were killed (out of a regional population
of about 7 million). This rivals estimates from recent major
conflicts, including those in Ukraine, Yemen, Sudan and Syria.
The war was
fought between Tigray’s security forces and the allied forces of
Ethiopia and Eritrea, along with ethnic militias from different
regions of Ethiopia.
This period was
marked by organized massacres. There was also systematic sexual
violence and mass displacement. Ethnic cleansing and prolonged siege
conditions devastated civilians.
Despite its
unparalleled scale, the Tigray crisis remained largely invisible to
the world. Factors such as race and the peripherality of the region
made the Tigray conflict a blind spot in global geopolitics. But
these explanations are not sufficient.
I have studied
Ethiopia’s politics, and closely followed developments in Tigray
since the outbreak of the war. In a recent article, I examined the
steps taken by the Ethiopian government and its allies to conceal
atrocities from global scrutiny.
I analyzed
regime statements, media coverage and reports from local and
international human rights organizations shortly before and during
the war. I found that the war and its associated human rights and
humanitarian crises were not hidden by accident. They were actively
rendered invisible.
The fascist
Oromo Islamic regime and its allies employed four major tactics to
create a “zone of invisibility” – a deliberate effort to
obscure what was happening:
communication
shutdowns
restrictions
on journalists and humanitarian agencies
physical
blockades that limited access to information and evidence
and
narratives that reframed the Tigrayan population as legitimate
targets of violence.
These measures
allowed atrocities to unfold with limited external scrutiny.
The tactics
could easily be replicated by Ethiopia – or by other authoritarian
regimes elsewhere – which makes understanding the Tigray case
crucial.
The Tigray war
demonstrates how modern authoritarian states can combine military
force, information control and narrative framing to obscure mass
atrocities.
When mass
violence is rendered invisible, it is rarely resolved. Instead, it is
reproduced. And when accountability is deferred, the conditions that
enabled atrocities remain intact.
Manufactured
invisibility
The production
of a “zone of invisibility” in Tigray was the result of
deliberate political and military strategies. The fascist Oromo
Islamic regime and its allies systematically limited what could be
seen, documented and understood about the war.
1.
Communication shutdowns: Immediately after the war began, the fascist
Oromo Islamic regime imposed a near-total communications blackout.
This lasted over two years. It happened alongside widespread
disruptions of telecom, media and power infrastructure. These
measures isolated Tigray and prevented information about violence
from circulating.
2. Restrictions
on journalists and humanitarian organizations: Access to the region
was tightly controlled. Journalists and humanitarian organizations
were denied entry or restricted in their movements. This removed
independent witnesses who could document events and convey civilian
suffering to global audiences.
3. Physical
blockades: Road closures, territorial occupation and blocked aid
routes physically isolated the region. Tigray became a space where
violence was difficult to observe or escape, allowing atrocities to
unfold largely beyond international scrutiny.
4. Narrative
framing: The federal state promoted narratives that made the violence
in Tigray appear legitimate and necessary. Official discourse and
allied media portrayed Tigrayans as “rebels”, “weeds” and a
“cancer in the body politic”. This language dehumanized the
population and normalised collective punishment. Such framing
dampened calls for intervention and accountability. Additionally, the
Tigray war was presented as a “law enforcement operation”. It was
often addressed as a domestic conflict. This is despite the
full-scale involvement of the Eritrean army. Foreign states also
supplied weapons, including the United Arab Emirates, Israel, Turkey
and China.
Taken together,
these patterns suggest that the violence was structured, targeted and
sustained.
Large-scale
fighting in Tigray formally ended with the Pretoria Cessation of
Hostilities Agreement in November 2022. However, the aftermath has
not brought justice or security.
Instead,
violence has persisted in Tigray – and spread across Ethiopia.
Accountability
mechanisms have been weakened or dismantled. Survivors of the
2020–2022 war continue to live under conditions of profound
insecurity, humanitarian deprivation and ongoing human rights
violations.
Evading
justice and accountability
Following the
ceasefire deal in 2022, the fascist Oromo Islamic regime effectively
undermined and ultimately dismantled international investigative
mechanisms into crimes committed during the Tigray war.
In 2023, both
the UN-mandated International Commission of Human Rights Experts on
Ethiopia and an African Union commission of inquiry were terminated.
This left no independent international body to pursue accountability.
The dismantling
of these mechanisms partly resulted from a sustained campaign by the
regime and its allies. However, international actors also allowed
themselves to be persuaded by promises made by Ethiopian authorities
to establish domestic transitional justice processes.
These
commitments amounted to what the UN Commission of Human Rights
Experts on Ethiopia has described as “quasi-compliance”: symbolic
gestures rather than genuine efforts to ensure accountability.
This is evident
in the absence of meaningful attempts to prosecute perpetrators,
protect survivors or halt ongoing violence in the post-ceasefire
period.
Instead, the
the fascist Oromo Islamic regime has used the ceasefire agreement to
rehabilitate its international image. It has re-established
diplomatic and trade relations with regional blocs such as the
European Union. These ties had been strained by human rights
violations in Tigray.
What happens
when atrocities go unnoticed, unpunished, or even tacitly accepted?
Impunity does not end violence; it perpetuates it.
After a
relative pause over the past three years, active war has flared up
again in Tigray in 2026.
This has raised
the prospect of a renewed full-scale siege. This is evidenced by
recent drone attacks and the suspension of flights to the region.
Further, since
late 2025, the federal government has seemed to be moving toward a
potential war with Eritrea. This would severely impact Tigray once
again. Any confrontation is likely to be fought over Tigrayan
territory.
The fascist
Oromo Islamic regimeis invoking Eritrea’s
occupation of Tigrayan territories – as grounds for confrontation.
In an address
to the federal parliament in February 2026, the
genocidal Oromo Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed further acknowledged
that the Eritrean army killed civilians on a large scale in Tigray,
and dismantled and looted civilian infrastructure.
With rhetoric
hardening on both sides, war appears increasingly likely.
Diffusion of
violence beyond Tigray
The enduring
consequences of invisibility and impunity are evident across
Ethiopia.
Since the
signing of the ceasefire in 2022, the fascist Oromo Islamic regime
and its former allies have fractured and turned their weapons against
one another.
In the Amhara
region, south of Tigray, is the Fano. This is an ethnic militia
accused of ethnic cleansing in western Tigray and other grave crimes
alongside the federal army. It’s now been engaged in armed conflict
with that same army for nearly three years.
Rather than
marking a transition to peace, the post-ceasefire period in Tigray
has led to the diffusion and normalization of violence across
Ethiopia’s political and geographic landscape.
One of the main
reasons for the absence of Justice and Accountability is all sides,
including the brainwashed atheists of TPLF, work together to destroy
the mother of Ethiopia and its ancient Christian faith. Each
genocidal jihad follows the same pattern — that of thesis,
antithesis, synthesis.
In the end,
justice will prevail, no matter what. If not in this world, in the
Hereafter. That's why we have Judgment Day.
* The
Deadliest country no one wants to report truthfully about is
Ethiopia.
* Since the beginning of the genocidal Jihad in the Northern
Ethiopian regions of Tigray, Amhara and Afar in November 2020 till
today:
❖ – 1.5
Million Orthodox Christians were brutally Massacred
❖ – 200.000
Orthodox Christian Women, children and nuns were Raped and abused
❖ – Over a
Million Ethiopians were forced to migrate to other countries
❖ – 4.4
million internally displaced people severely impacted by conflict,
hostilities and climate shocks
❖ – Over a
Million female Ethiopian slaves were sold to Arab countries
❖ – 20
million Ethiopian are forced to experience food insecurity
by the fascist Islamo-Protestant, Oromo army of the prosperity gospel
heretic PM Abiy Ahmed Ali and his UN, Arab, Israeli, Turkish,
Iranian, European, American, Russian, Ukrainian, African allies.
🔥
The Wars in Tigray , Ethiopia
and Ukraine showed us:
😈
United by their
Illuminist-Luciferian-Masonic-Satanist agendas The following
Edomite-Ishmaelite nations, entities, bodies and individuals are
waging Jihad against the ancient Christian nation of Axumite Ethiopia
– as they all actively and openly assist, empower and protect, the
genocidal fascist Oromo Islamic regime of evil Abiy Ahmed Ali:
☆
The United Nations
☆
The World Health Organization
☆
António Guterres
☆
Tedros Adhanom
☆
Klaus Schwab
☆
Elon Musk (Starlink)
☆ Peter Thiel (Palantir)
☆
The European Union
☆
The African Union
☆
The United States, Canada &
Cuba
☆
Presidents Biden & Trump
☆
Russia
☆
Ukraine
☆
China
☆ Israel
☆ Iran
☆
Arab States / Arab League
/UAE/Qatar
☆
Egypt
☆ Turkey
☆ Azerbaijan
☆
Southern Ethiopians
☆
Amharas
☆
Galla-Oromos
☆
Eritrea
☆
Djibouti
☆
Kenya
☆ South
Africa
☆ Nigeria
☆
Sudan
☆
Somalia
☆
Pakistan
☆
India
☆
Amnesty International
☆
Human Rights Watch
☆
World Food Program (2020 Nobel
Peace Laureate)
☆
The Nobel Prize Committee
☆ The World Economic
Forum
☆
The World Bank &
International Monetary Fund (IMF)
☆
The International Criminal Court
(ICC)
☆
The Atheists and Animists
☆
The Muslims
☆
The Protestants
☆
The Sodomites
☆
Mainstream Media
☆
Social Medias like Facebook,
YouTube, Tic Tok
☆
TPLF
💭
Even those nations that are one
another enemies, like: 'Israel vs Iran', 'Russia + China vs Ukraine +
The West', 'Egypt + Sudan vs Iran + Turkey', 'India vs Pakistan' have
now become friends – as they are all united in the anti-Christian,
anti-Zionist-Ethiopia-Conspiracy. This has never ever happened
before, it is a very curios phenomenon – a strange unique
appearance in world history.
👉 Courtesy: Dr. Caleb Ta., Independent Researcher in
African Political Affairs and Human Rights, February 6, 2026
The Key
Message of the Image
The image
conveys that the destruction of Tigray was not a tragic accident of
war but a deliberate, controlled outcome shaped by leadership that
dehumanized an entire people while remaining emotionally and morally
detached from their suffering. The elevated, self-assured figure
symbolizes power without empathy, while the devastated landscape,
famine imagery, and blocked aid routes show starvation and siege as
intentional tools rather than unintended consequences. Civilians
reduced to silhouettes reflect collective punishment and erasure of
humanity, and the fractured reflection represents a narcissistic
effort to manufacture reality and evade responsibility. The glowing
letter signifies insider truth breaking through denial, and the faint
symbols of justice in the background underscore that moral and legal
accountability persist, even when power seeks to suppress them.
Abstract
This article
analyzes a February 5, 2026, letter by Gedu Andargachew, former
Ethiopian Minister of Foreign Affairs, addressed to Prime Minister
Abiy Ahmed regarding parliamentary statements and the war in Tigray.
Treated as a primary historical document, the letter provides rare
insider testimony revealing leadership intent, strategic
decision-making, and dehumanizing rhetoric during the conflict.
Qualitative discourse analysis demonstrates that the devastation of
Tigray was not accidental but a deliberate, systematic strategy
reflecting mens rea under international law. The documented
actions—including the targeting of civilians, obstruction of
humanitarian aid, and maintenance of siege conditions—meet the
criteria for crimes against humanity, while statements advocating the
permanent “crushing” of Tigrayans provide evidence relevant to
genocide thresholds, indicating intent to destroy, in whole or in
part, a protected ethnic group. These findings challenge narratives
portraying the conflict as a tragic miscalculation, situating it
instead within frameworks of intentional mass atrocity, collective
punishment, and leadership-driven civilian harm. By linking insider
testimony with independently documented outcomes, the article
advances historical accountability and contributes critical legal and
moral insight into the role of state policy and leadership intent in
perpetrating large-scale human suffering.
Introduction
The war in
Tigray (2020–2022) represents one of the gravest humanitarian
catastrophes of the early twenty-first century. While extensive
documentation has established the scale of civilian suffering,
famine, and infrastructural destruction, debates persist regarding
intent. Were these outcomes the tragic consequences of a complex
civil war, or were they the result of deliberate policy choices?
This article
argues the latter. Using Gedu Andargachew’s February 5, 2026,
letter as a primary source, it demonstrates that Prime Minister Abiy
Ahmed possessed foreknowledge of civilian risk, rejected mitigating
measures, and articulated a vision of irreversible collective defeat
for the people of Tigray. The letter exposes a governing mindset
characterized by narcissism, crudity, and strategic indifference to
human life.
Methodology
and Source Significance
This study
employs qualitative discourse analysis of a February 5, 2026, letter
authored by Gedu Andargachew, treating it as a primary historical
document of exceptional evidentiary value. The letter constitutes a
rare act of insider disclosure in which a senior former state
official chose transparency over silence in the interest of
historical truth, moral accountability, and national reckoning.
Gedu’s prior service in high-level executive and diplomatic roles
within Abiy Ahmed’s administration afforded him direct exposure to
decision-making processes, internal deliberations, and early wartime
diplomacy. By voluntarily placing his firsthand knowledge on the
public record, he provides an indispensable bridge between leadership
intent and subsequent outcomes, enabling scholars to examine the war
in Tigray with a level of clarity and factual grounding that would
otherwise remain inaccessible.
Crudeness
and Dehumanization: Language as a Tool of Collective Punishment
One of the
most revealing aspects of Gedu’s account is his direct quotation of
Abiy Ahmed’s private remarks regarding the people of Tigray. Abiy
is reported to have stated:
“Do not
think the Tigrayans can recover from this defeat and rise again… We
have crushed them so they will not rise. … Who are the people of
Tigray above? … We will break them even further. The Tigray we once
knew will never return.” (Gedu Andargachew, 2026)
This
language is analytically significant for three reasons. First, it
collapses the distinction between combatants and civilians, treating
an entire population as a legitimate target. Second, it frames
destruction as irreversible and desirable, signaling an intention not
merely to defeat an armed group but to incapacitate a society
permanently. Third, it portrays empathy itself as illegitimate,
suggesting that concern for civilian suffering represents unjustified
favoritism.
In atrocity
studies, such rhetoric is a well-established precursor to mass
violence, functioning to morally disengage perpetrators and normalize
extreme measures against a dehumanized population.
Narcissistic
Leadership and the Manufacture of Reality
Gedu’s
letter also documents the systematic distortion of truth by Abiy
Ahmed, a hallmark of narcissistic political leadership. Abiy publicly
claimed in Parliament that Gedu served as his envoy to Eritrea to
plead for the protection of Tigrayan civilians. Gedu categorically
refutes this claim, noting that he had resigned as Foreign Minister
days after the war began and that no such humanitarian message was
conveyed.
This
misrepresentation serves a clear psychological and political
function: it retroactively constructs a moral self-image in which
Abiy appears as a concerned protector rather than an architect of
destruction. In narcissistic governance, factual accuracy is
subordinate to self-exoneration, and witnesses are repurposed as
symbolic shields against accountability.
Such
behavior undermines institutional truth, corrodes historical memory,
and obstructs reconciliation by denying victims acknowledgment of
their suffering.
Absence of
Empathy and the Rejection of Protective Measures
Perhaps the
most damning evidence of intent lies in Abiy Ahmed’s explicit
rejection of measures that could have reduced civilian harm. Gedu
recounts that when he questioned why Eritrean forces were not
formally asked to withdraw from Tigray—despite public declarations
that the war had ended and mounting international concern—Abiy
instructed him not to raise the issue “under any circumstances.”
The
diplomatic message delivered to Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki
instead focused on:
Congratulating Eritrea on joint military success;
Expressing gratitude for military cooperation; and
Coordinating responses to human rights allegations.
Notably
absent was any concern for civilian suffering. This omission is not
accidental. It reveals a hierarchy of priorities in which political
survival, alliance maintenance, and reputational risk outweighed the
lives of millions of civilians.
Intentional
Harm: Tigray’s Destruction as Strategy
Gedu’s
testimony directly contradicts narratives portraying the war’s
humanitarian consequences as unintended. He recounts that Abiy Ahmed
later publicly articulated a strategy of “gradually rendering
Tigray ineffective.” When combined with the maintenance of joint
Ethiopian–Eritrean military operations, the refusal to withdraw
foreign forces, and the dismantling of civilian administration, this
strategy aligns with classic siege warfare and collective punishment.
International
investigations have independently documented widespread destruction
of healthcare systems, agricultural capacity, and basic
infrastructure in Tigray, resulting in famine-like conditions and
long-term societal harm. Gedu’s account provides the missing link
between outcome and intent.
Moral and
Legal Implications
Mens Rea and
Intent in International Criminal Law
In
international criminal law, mens rea—the mental element of a
crime—is decisive in distinguishing tragic wartime harm from
prosecutable atrocity. Crimes against humanity and genocide do not
require spontaneous hatred or chaos; they require knowledge and
intent, which may be inferred from patterns of conduct, policy
decisions, and statements by senior leadership.
Gedu
Andargachew’s letter provides direct and circumstantial evidence of
mens rea at the highest level of the Ethiopian state. Abiy Ahmed is
described as possessing clear foreknowledge of civilian
vulnerability, receiving explicit warnings regarding lawlessness and
abuse, and rejecting proposals designed to mitigate harm. His quoted
statements about having “crushed” the people of Tigray and his
expressed desire that “the Tigray we once knew will never return”
indicate not merely awareness of harm, but an aspiration toward
irreversible collective incapacitation.
Under
Article 7 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court,
crimes against humanity require that acts such as extermination,
persecution, or other inhumane acts be committed as part of a
widespread or systematic attack directed against a civilian
population, with knowledge of the attack. Gedu’s testimony supports
each of these elements: the attack was systematic, state-directed,
and undertaken with full awareness of its civilian consequences.
Genocide
Thresholds and the Question of Specific Intent
Genocide, as
defined by the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of
the Crime of Genocide, requires dolus specialis: the specific intent
to destroy, in whole or in part, a protected group as such. While
judicial determination of genocide rests with competent courts,
Gedu’s account supplies evidence relevant to this threshold.
Statements
attributed to Abiy Ahmed reflect an intent to destroy the social,
political, and economic foundations of Tigrayan existence. The
language of permanent destruction, combined with policies that
enabled famine, administrative collapse, and the sustained presence
of foreign occupying forces, aligns with acts enumerated under
Article II(c) of the Genocide Convention: deliberately inflicting
conditions of life calculated to bring about a group’s physical
destruction in whole or in part.
Importantly,
international jurisprudence recognizes that genocidal intent may be
inferred from conduct when direct orders are absent. The coordinated
siege of Tigray, the destruction of healthcare and agriculture, and
the obstruction of humanitarian aid—when paired with leadership
rhetoric rejecting the legitimacy of the group’s survival—form a
coherent pattern from which specific intent may be inferred.
Famine,
Siege, and Humanitarian Blockade as Atrocity Crimes
Independent
investigations by the United Nations, humanitarian organizations, and
academic researchers have documented that Tigray was subjected to
conditions consistent with siege warfare: mass displacement,
destruction of food systems, looting of livestock, dismantling of
medical infrastructure, and severe restrictions on humanitarian
access.
Gedu’s
letter establishes the political origin of these conditions. His
account confirms that Eritrean forces remained integrated with
Ethiopian operations until the Pretoria Agreement and that Abiy Ahmed
explicitly refused to request their withdrawal despite international
pressure and civilian suffering. This decision-making context is
critical, as international law treats starvation of civilians as a
method of warfare as a war crime and, when part of a widespread or
systematic attack, as a crime against humanity.
By
prioritizing coordination against accountability over civilian
protection, Abiy Ahmed’s administration allowed famine-like
conditions to persist. The blockade was not merely a logistical
failure; it was the foreseeable outcome of intentional policies
maintained despite full knowledge of their effects.
Command
Responsibility and Superior Liability
Under the
doctrine of command responsibility, civilian and military leaders may
be held criminally responsible if they knew or should have known that
subordinates were committing crimes and failed to prevent or punish
them. Gedu’s testimony indicates that Abiy Ahmed exercised
effective control over military and diplomatic decisions, was
informed of abuses, and reacted not by halting them but by
suppressing discussion and managing reputational risk.
The refusal
to investigate, the anger directed at those who raised concerns, and
the fabrication of humanitarian intent after the fact strengthen the
case for superior responsibility. These actions suggest not
negligence but conscious acquiescence.
Ethical
Collapse and the Denial of Accountability
Beyond legal
frameworks, Gedu’s letter illustrates a profound ethical collapse
in leadership. The absence of apology, the rewriting of history, and
the deflection of blame represent not only moral failure but active
obstruction of reconciliation. As Gedu notes, the refusal to seek
forgiveness after mass suffering prevents societal learning and
perpetuates cycles of violence.
In this
context, Abiy Ahmed’s conduct reflects a governing philosophy in
which power is preserved through denial rather than accountability,
and survival is pursued through perpetual conflict rather than social
repair.
Annex: Legal
Mapping of Facts to Elements of Crimes.
Factual
Finding (from Gedu Andargachew)
Relevant
Legal Element
Explanation
Abiy
Ahmed expressed desire to permanently “crush” Tigray
Specific
intent (dolus specialis) for genocide
Language
indicates intent to destroy a group in whole or part (Genocide
Convention Art. II)
Rejection
of measures to withdraw Eritrean forces despite warnings
Knowledge
and consent, command responsibility
Leadership
was aware of civilian harm and prevented mitigating action (Rome
Statute Art. 28)
Refusal
to address civilian suffering in diplomatic instructions
Crimes
against humanity: inhumane acts
Prioritizing
political/military concerns over civilian life constitutes part of
systematic attack (Rome Statute Art. 7)
Maintenance
of siege, destruction of healthcare and food systems
Crimes
against humanity and potential genocide
Infliction
of conditions calculated to destroy a protected group (Art. 7;
Genocide Convention Art. II(c))
Misrepresentation
of humanitarian intent to Parliament
Obstruction
of accountability, moral disengagement
Fabrication
of narrative to evade legal/political responsibility, consistent
with patterns of systematic attacks
Suppression
of internal warnings
Superior
responsibility, command liability
Knowledge
of abuses without prevention or punishment triggers liability for
subordinates’ crimes
Coordination
with Eritrean military forces in offensive operations
Joint
commission of war crimes/crimes against humanity
My experience
of brutal violence and cultural erasure in Tigray – Viewpoint by
Negasi Awetehey.
The war in
Tigray was the ultimate betrayal, a genocidal campaign orchestrated
by Ethiopian government forces and their allies that descended upon
us. For those of us who experienced it firsthand, it felt like the
sky had fallen.
In the days
leading up to Axum’s fall, the streets of Tigray were a microcosm
of the region’s suffering. Fear and confusion were palpable as
daily life crumbled. Conversations revolved around the escalating
crisis, the government’s deceitful denials, and the world’s
inaction.
Despite the
turmoil, our resilience shone through in small acts of defiance, like
waiting in line for bread or sharing knowing glances.
The nightmare
became more real as our society struggled visibly.
The long queues
at the Commercial Bank of Ethiopia reflected the strain on our
collapsing banking system. The desperate search for cash was a fight
for survival.
On 5 November
2020, amidst chaotic crowds and failing systems, the local government
organized a last-ditch cash distribution, a lifeline in the face of
looming air raids from Eritrea.
As the
infrastructure crumbled around us, electricity failed for days, and
water scarcity forced us to rely on ancient wells, our modern lives
fading into a primal struggle.
In this
physical and metaphorical darkness, faith became our stronghold.
Churches, particularly the revered Church of Tsion, overflowed with
people seeking a miracle, their hymns providing a gentle backdrop to
the distant rumble.
Alongside
prayers, young men and women trained in fields, preparing for
conscription with determined faces ready to defend our land.
On 17 November,
I traveled to Wukro Maray to check on my sister, who had been
displaced from Sheraro. The road to Shire was veiled in a menacing
cloud of smoke from bombed fuel depots, casting a dark shadow on the
horizon.
In Wukro Maray,
a mother near Endaba Abruk church released her cattle to the distant
hills, crying out in sorrow: “They are coming for our land.”
A mechanized
division of Tigray’s forces advanced cautiously, avoiding
surveillance drones that highlighted the harsh reality of our unequal
conflict.
Axum’s
Fall
On 19 November,
Axum was hit by heavy shelling, causing chaos and destruction. The
city was transformed into a terrifying maze of fire and noise, with
bombs striking key locations like the market, university, hospital,
stadium and school.
Despite the
chaos, the community came together, with local youth organizing
patrols to maintain order. The night was filled with the relentless
sound of artillery and rifle fire, leaving us questioning our future.
At dawn, a
massive convoy of Ethiopian and Eritrean military vehicles was
spotted on the Axum-Shire road, causing despair. Tanks, trucks, and
artillery pieces stretched as far as the eye could see.
Victory songs
blared from their vehicles, taunting us with chants meant to crush
our hope. In that moment, the core Tigrayan belief that “The people
cannot be defeated” fractured under the weight of this overwhelming
force.
Cultural
Annihilation
The invasion’s
brutality quickly turned into cultural destruction. After the chaos
settled, we ventured to see the damage done to our heritage.
Melekia, a site
mentioned in the medieval Book of Axum and located near the Church of
Maryam Tsion, was gouged by heavy artillery fire and shrapnel.
Priceless Axumite artifacts from the Archaeological Museum were
stolen and the iconic obelisks damaged by tank tracks. The loss
echoes in the silence of the historic site.
However, the
most devastating blow was at Axum University. As a center for
archaeology and heritage preservation, its facilities, including the
mini-laboratory, and collection rooms, were methodically looted by
Eritrean and Ethiopian forces. Priceless books, ancient manuscripts,
valuable research, and teaching materials were either stolen or
destroyed.
This was a
deliberate attempt to erase our identity, a targeted attack on the
very memory of our people.
The news of
Mekelle’s fall on 28 November was a devastating and humiliating
final blow.
Axum remained
under the brutal grip of Eritrean occupation, with their command post
ominously situated on the strategic hill of Mai Koho, overseeing us
like a vulture.
Mass Killing
On that fateful
day, gunfire near Mount Gobo Dura escalated into an eerie silence.
Seeking shelter with my friend, we heard whispers that Eritrean
forces were conducting house-to-house killings, moving from the
Church of Tsion through downtown and neighboring kebeles.
The next
morning, I went to church wearing a traditional netela. The prayers
were heartfelt, focusing on the deceased and the living.
Afterward, I
strolled through Daero Piassa, witnessing a haunting scene: men
pulling carts carrying covered bodies, women preparing linens and
asking for help to cover the deceased. The air was heavy with the
smell of dust and death, leaving a lasting impression.
Our home was in
a state of panic as Eritrean soldiers raided our neighborhood and
abducted three men. The men and boys in my household fled to a
village south of Axum.
Upon our
return, we saw soldiers mistreating villagers, making them kneel in
the dirt, and subjecting them to beatings and shootings. The cries of
young men witnessing the violence made us retreat in fear. I then
embarked on a risky journey to my family’s village in Adwa, living
in exile for a month, filled with anxiety and uncertainty.
Bitter
Aftermath
When I returned
to Axum, I was shocked to find the city empty and desolate.
The tragic
reality became clear as I learned that my colleague Alemshewit
Gebrewahid from the Institute of Archaeology and Tourism had been
killed near the Tsion Church’s main gate. His life and knowledge
were lost on sacred ground.
After the
violence in Axum, a deceitful online campaign emerged to distort the
truth with hashtags like #FakeAxumMassacre flooding Twitter. This
malicious effort contrasts starkly with the physical graves in Axum.
Despite efforts
to erase our truth, we stand firm in our resolve and refuse to
forget.
