Ethiopia: The Weaponized Womb: Mapping Reproductive Violence as a Tool of Ethnic Cleansing

https://www.bitchute.com/video/Yt64mHkM9rDa/

https://rumble.com/v70an7a-ethiopia-the-weaponized-womb-mapping-reproductive-violence-as-a-tool-of-eth.html

😔 የጦር መሳሪያ ማህፀን በትግራይ፤ የመራቢያ አመፅን እንደ የጎሳ ማጽዳት መሳሪያ

👹 እነሱ ከሦስት አራት ሴት አጋንንት ልጆችን ይፈለፍላሉ በብልጽግና እና ሰላም መኖር ይመኛሉ፣ ለዚህ ደግሞ የአክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ/መንፈሳዊቷ እስራኤል ሕፃናት ይገደላሉ፣ የእናቶቻችን ማህጸን እንዳይወልዱ እና የክርስቶስን ቤተሰቦች እንዳይመሠረቱ ያደርጋሉ። እ ህ ህ ህ!!!

እነዚህ አረመኔዎች እኮ ከእነ ሄሮድስ በይበልጥ የከፉ የዲያብሎስ ጭፍሮች ናቸው።

❖[የማቴዎስ ወንጌል ምዕራፍ ፪]❖

፲፮ ከዚህ በኋላ ሄሮድስ ሰብአ ሰገል እንደ ተሣለቁበት ባየ ጊዜ እጅግ ተቆጣና ልኮ ከሰብአ ሰገል እንደ ተረዳው ዘመን በቤተ ልሔምና በአውራጃዋ የነበሩትን፥ ሁለት ዓመት የሆናቸውን ከዚያም የሚያንሱትን ሕፃናት ሁሉ አስገደለ።

፲፯-፲፰ ያን ጊዜ በነቢዩ በኤርምያስ፥ ድምፅ በራማ ተሰማ፥ ልቅሶና ብዙ ዋይታ፤ ራሔል ስለ ልጆችዋ አለቀሰች፥ መጽናናትም አልወደደችም፥ የሉምና የተባለው ተፈጸመ።

፲፱ ሄሮድስም ከሞተ በኋላ፥ እነሆ፥ የጌታ መልአክ በግብፅ ለዮሴፍ በሕልም ታይቶ።

፳ የሕፃኑን ነፍስ የፈለጉት ሞተዋልና ተነሣ፥ ሕፃኑን እናቱንም ይዘህ ወደ እስራኤል አገር ሂድ አለ።

፳፩ እርሱም ተነሥቶ ሕፃኑንና እናቱን ያዘና ወደ እስራኤል አገር ገባ።

፳፪ በአባቱም በሄሮድስ ፈንታ አርኬላዎስ በይሁዳ እንደ ነገሠ በሰማ ጊዜ፥ ወደዚያ መሄድን ፈራ፤ በሕልምም ተረድቶ ወደ ገሊላ አገር ሄደ፤

፳፫ በነቢያት። ናዝራዊ ይባላል የተባለው ይፈጸም ዘንድ፥ ናዝሬት ወደምትባል ከተማ መጥቶ ኖረ።

የሄሮድስ ድርጊት እውነተኛ አነቃቂ ሰይጣን ነበር። ከመጀመሪያው ጀምሮ አንድ ሰው አንድ ሰው ጭንቅላቱን እንደሚቀቀልለት፣ ሰይጣን የሴቲቱን "ዘር" ፈልጎ ነበር (ዘፍ. ፫፥፲፭)።

ሰይጣን እግዚአብሔር በምድር ውስጥ ትልቅ እንቅስቃሴ ሲያደርግ ሰይጣን ሊያውቅ ይችላል። በሙሴ ዘመን ሰይጣን የእስራኤል ባሪያዎች የሆኑ ወንድ ልጆች ሁሉ እንዲገድሉ ያነሳሳ ነበር። ሄሮድስም በቤተልሔም ያሉትን ወንድ ልጆች ሁሉ እንዲገደሉ አዟል። እንግዲህ በዚህም ጭንቅላቱን የሚቀቀልበትን "ዘር" ለማስወገድ እንደፈለገ ጥርጥር የለውም።

እንደገና፣ በዛሬው ጊዜ ልጆች ሲደክሙ እናያለን። በዚህ ጊዜ ፅንስ ማስወረድ የተለመደ ነው። በወጣትነታችን ላይ ታይተው በማይታወቁ መንገዶች ጥቃት እየተሠነዘረ ነው። የጌታችንን ዳግም ምፅዓት የሚያመጣው ትውልድ ይህ እንደሆነ ሰይጣን ያስባልን/ያውቃልን? እሱ ተስፋ በመቁረጥ ስሜት ውስጥ እራሱን ለማዳን ሲል ይህን ትውልድ ለማጥፋት እየሞከረ ነውን?

እኛ ለመለየት በቂ መንፈሳዊ ግንዛቤ ሊኖርን ይገባል። በሙሴ ዘመን እና በኢየሱስ ዘመን እንደነበረው ሁሉ፣ በዛሬው ጊዜ ንጹሐዊ ልጆችን በዚህ መልክ መግደል በመንፈሳዊው ዓለም ውስጥ የበለጠ አስፈላጊ ትግልን የሚያመለክቱ ናቸው። እኛ የጌታችን ዳግም ምፅዓት የምንሆን ትውልዶች ልንሆን እንችላለን። ጌታችን የተመሰገነ ይሁን!

ይህን አረመኔ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ አገዛዝ እና አጋሮቹ የሆኑትን የከሃዲው ዳግማዊ ምንሊክ የመጨረሻ ትውልድ ምስጋና-ቢስ የሰይጣን ጭፍሮች ላደረሱብን እጅግ በጣም አስከፊ በደል እና በታሪክ ታይቶና ተሰምቶ የማይታወቅ ከባድ ወንጀል ሁሉ ለብዙ ሺህ ዓመታት እንበቀላቸዋለን፤ ይህ ግዴታችን ነው!!!

👉 Courtesy: New LinesInstitute, by Klara Vlahčević Lisinski, Washington D.C., October 14, 2025

The genocidal war in Ethiopia’s Tigray region, which erupted in November 2020 between the Tigray People’s Liberation Front and a coalition of Ethiopian federal forces, Amhara regional militias, and Eritrean troops, quickly devolved into one of the most brutal and under-reported humanitarian crises of the decade. At the center of this violence was a gendered campaign of terror: widespread and deliberate sexual and reproductive violence (SRV) targeting Tigrayan women and girls. This violence was not incidental to the conflict but formed a strategic axis of ethnic cleansing, deployed through the systematic destruction of women’s bodies, reproductive autonomy, and societal roles.

As Ethiopian and Eritrean troops advanced into Tigrayan towns and villages, women became targets of extreme brutality. Survivor testimonies collected in displacement camps and medical clinics describe a pattern of sexual violence marked by rape, gang rape, forced impregnation, sexual slavery, genital mutilation, and sterilization. These acts followed military incursions with haunting regularity, particularly in places like Humera, Adigrat, and Shire. Women were often told during their assaults that they were being “punished” for their ethnicity and that their wombs would be “cleansed” of Tigrayan blood – a chilling articulation of intent that was repeated in numerous survivor accounts.

SRV committed by armed combatants in Tigray is characterized by its scale, coherence, brutality, and unmistakable ethnic and gendered intent. The female body was weaponized as a battleground to extinguish the reproductive capacity of an ethnic group and shatter the cohesion of its communities. In countless cases, rape was paired with physical mutilation that left survivors infertile, disabled, or suffering chronic pain. Forced pregnancies were not only tolerated by occupying forces; they were part of the message. In many instances, access to emergency contraception or abortion was deliberately denied, and the denial of post-rape care was used as a tactic to deepen harm.

The consequences for survivors extend well beyond the battlefield. Many women now face lifelong trauma compounded by stigma, rejection by their families, or forced parenthood of children born of rape. In Tigrayan culture, as in many others, sexual violence carries immense social stigma, further isolating victims and silencing their stories. The psychological damage of these crimes is deepened by the lack of medical care, social services, or avenues for justice. Women and girls displaced by the conflict, both internally within Ethiopia or across borders, suffer quietly, navigating chronic pain and shame in isolation.

The New Lines Institute report “Conflict-Related Sexual and Reproductive Violence in Tigray” identifies a clear geographic and temporal correlation between the advance of Ethiopian and Eritrean forces into Tigrayan territories and the occurrence of SRV. As these forces moved into new areas, reports of mass rape, genital mutilation, and forced sterilization surged. This pattern suggests that SRV was not merely a byproduct of war, but a strategic tool employed to achieve military and political objectives.

The use of SRV in Tigray aligns with patterns observed in other conflicts where rape has been recognized as a tactic aimed at destroying an ethnic group, such as in Bosnia and Rwanda, demonstrated that this was not an isolated atrocity but rather a symptom of gendered power structures that persist in conflicts worldwide. Despite this, international justice systems remain ill-equipped to address gendered genocidal strategies effectively. The slow pace of legal recognition, under-resourced mechanisms for documenting SRV, and the lack of survivor-centered accountability processes hinder efforts to bring perpetrators to justice. The Tigray case illustrates how mass sexual violence can be systematically deployed with the intent to destroy an ethnic group, yet remain underrecognized as an act of genocide, despite overwhelming qualifying evidence.

Impunity for these crimes cannot be separated from the way women’s experiences are often sidelined in post-conflict justice and policy. In Ethiopia, there is little political will to prosecute SRV cases, especially those implicating state actors. Survivors who come forward risk harassment, retaliation, or re-traumatization. Without international intervention and survivor-centered frameworks, most perpetrators will not be held to account – and most survivors will go unheard.

Addressing this requires more than legal innovation. It requires reimagining justice and recovery through a gendered lens. That begins with recognizing that SRV is not a side effect of war, but a method of warfare that specifically targets women’s bodies, choices, and futures. Reparative systems must prioritize not only legal accountability but also comprehensive physical and psychological care. Ensuring that survivors receive comprehensive and sustained support – not only in the immediate aftermath but throughout their long-term recovery – must be a key priority of any meaningful transitional processes. Efforts to rebuild Tigrayan society must involve survivors at the center, not on the margins.

Documentation is another critical front. The report notes that real-time evidence gathering was hampered by blackouts, displacement, and stigma. Many survivors did not – or could not – seek help in time for their injuries to be recorded, while others feared the social cost of speaking. Moving forward, civil society organizations need the tools and funding to document SRV safely and confidentially, even during conflict. Survivors must be empowered, not retraumatized, by this process.

Prevention, too, requires gendered foresight. SRV does not erupt in a vacuum; it is preceded by warning signs: dehumanizing propaganda, militarization of civilian spaces, impunity for prior sexual crimes, and nationalist ideologies that fuse ethnic purity with control over women’s reproduction. These indicators must be integrated into early warning systems and peacekeeping mandates. Gender-based atrocity should never again catch the international community by surprise.

Matthew 2:16, “Then Herod, when he saw that he was mocked of the wise men, was exceeding wroth, and sent forth, and slew all the children that were in Bethlehem, and in all the coasts thereof, from two years old and under, according to the time which he had diligently enquired of the wise men.”

Text: Matthew 2:16-23

Satan was the real motivator of Herod’s actions. Ever since the Lord first prophesied that a man would bruise his head, Satan has been seeking out this “seed” of the woman (Gen. 3:15).

It appears that Satan is able to perceive when the Lord is making a major move in the earth. In the days of Moses, Satan moved Pharaoh to kill all the male children of the Israelite slaves, and here he motivates Herod to kill all the male children in Bethlehem. No doubt he was seeking to eliminate this “seed” who was going to bruise his head.

Once again, we see children being slaughtered today. This time it’s through abortion. Our youth are also being attacked in unprecedented ways. Is it possible that Satan thinks this is the generation that is to bring in the second return of the Lord? Is he, in desperation, trying to stay off his doom by destroying this generation?

We need to have enough spiritual perception to recognize that just as in the days of Moses and Jesus, this slaughter of the innocent children today is an indication of an even more important struggle in the spiritual realm. We might be the generation that sees the Lord come back. Praise the Lord!

Italy’s Colonial Amnesia: Genocide Enabler 'Giorgia' Meloni Continues Defending Fascism

https://www.bitchute.com/video/EJqx82tVjiHn/

https://rumble.com/v6ztvpk-italys-colonial-amnesia-genocide-enabler-giorgia-meloni-continues-defending.html

❖ ገብርኤል 🧕 ማርያም ❖ ኡራኤል 😇 ጊዮርጊስ ❖ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ❖ መርቆርዮስ ❖ ዮሴፍ ❖ መድኃኔ ዓለም

😔 ጣሊያን ኢትዮጵያን ከወረረች ከ፺/ 90 ዓመታት በኋላ ዛሬም በምትኩ ልትጋፈጣቸው የሚገባቸውን ወንጀሎች ፈጻሚዎችን እያከበረቻቸው ነው።

ከዘጠና ዓመታት በፊት በመስከረም ፳፪/22 ፲፱፻፳፰/1928 (እ.አ.አ ጥቅምት 3 ቀን 1935 ዓ.ም) የፋሺስት ጣሊያን ጦር ኢትዮጵያን ወረረ፣ ይህም በዘመናዊ የዓለማችን ታሪክ ውስጥ እጅግ በጣም ጨለማ የሆነውን ምዕራፍ ከፍቷል። እ.ኤ.አ. በ1884-85 የተካሄደው ‘አፍሪካን ታሪካዊው አፍሪካን የመቀራመት የበርሊን ኮንፈረንስ እለቱን ’ ሲጀመር በልዩ ሁኔታ ነፃ የሆነችው ኢትዮጵያ የቅኝ ግዛት ካርታውን ለማጠናቀቅ በቆረጠ መንግስት በድንገት ጥቃት ገጠማት።

ዛሬም የፋሺስቱ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ አገዛዝ ሞግዚትና ዳግማዊ ጀነሳይድ አስፈጻሚዋ የጣልያን

ጠ/ሚ ጆርጂያ ሜሎኒ የፋሺስታዊ ንግግሮችን የሚያስተጋቡ ብሄራዊ ትረካዎችን በሚከላከሉበት የፖለቲካ አየር ውስጥ፣ ኢጣሊያ በምትኩ ሊገጥማት የሚገባውን ወንጀል ፈጻሚዎችን ማክበሯን ቀጥላለች። ጆርጂያ ሜሎኒ የአረመኔው ቤኒቶ ሙሶሊኒ አድናቂ ናት።

የፋሺስቱ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ አገዛዝ በአክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ላይ ባለፉት አምስት ዓመታት ብቻ እያካሄደው ያለው ተወዳዳሪ የሌለው አሰቃቂ የዘር ማጥፋት ጂሃድ ፋሺስት ጣልያን ካካሄደችው በመቶ እጥፍ የከፋና የከበደ ነው። በዚህም ኤዶማውያኑ ሮማውያን እና እስማኤላውያኑ መሀመዳውያን እጅግ በጣም መደሰታቸውን እያየነው ነው። የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ሆይ ተነሳ! ሃገርህን ተረከብ፣ እናትና አባቶችህን እንዲረግሙህ አታድርግ፣ ክርስቲያን ሕዝብህን አድን፣ ይህን ቆሻሻና አረመኔ አገዛዝ እኮ የአንድም ዕለት ዕድሜ እንኳን ልትጨምርለት ፈጽሞ አይገባም! ባክህ ለበቀል ተነሳ! ግዴታህ እኮ ነው!

👏 ይህን ግሩም ጽሑፍ የጻፈልን ጣልያናዊ ነው። የኛዎቹ የት አሉ?

👉 Courtesy: https://www.ips-journal.eu/topics/democracy-and-society/italys-colonial-amnesia-8587/

Ninety years after its invasion of Ethiopia, Italy continues to honour the perpetrators of crimes it should instead confront

Ninety years ago, on 3 October 1935, Italian troops invaded Ethiopia, opening one of the darkest chapters in modern history. Ethiopia, uniquely independent when the Berlin Conference of 1884–85 started the European ‘Scramble for Africa’, suddenly faced an assault by a state determined to complete the colonial map.

The campaign was not a sideshow. It was the last large-scale European colonial conquest in Africa — a deliberate war of aggression that defied the League of Nations and shocked contemporaries. Italian planes dropped mustard gas on soldiers and civilians alike. Entire villages were bombed and burned; survivors were deported to camps. Tens of thousands died.

Yet for decades, this invasion has remained at the margins of public memory. Italians tend to recall the fall of fascism or the devastation of the Second World War, while the Ethiopian war – and earlier aggressions in Libya, Somalia and Eritrea – are still dismissed as an embarrassing footnote. This year’s 90th anniversary is unlikely to be treated differently.

The myth of the ‘good Italian’

A central reason lies in the enduring myth of ‘italiani brava gente’ — the belief that Italians were somehow ‘better’ colonisers. As the historian Angelo Del Boca has shown, this narrative was cultivated from the very start of Italy’s expansion in 1885. Governments and cultural institutions promoted the idea that they brought roads, railways and architecture rather than chains and massacres. For decades, textbooks framed Italy’s presence in Africa as a civilising mission, while popular culture romanticised the colonies as lands of adventure. Echoes of this narrative still linger.

But the story collapses under the weight of evidence.

The conquest of Ethiopia was meant to be Mussolini’s crowning achievement: proof that a ‘new Roman Empire’ could be built in the 20th century. Yet Italy’s imperial ambitions pre-dated fascism. Liberal governments, with full backing from the monarchy, had seized Eritrea and Somalia in the 1880s and 1890s; attempted and failed to conquer Ethiopia in 1896 at Adwa; and in 1911 invaded Ottoman Libya, carrying out mass deportations and pioneering aerial bombing of civilians. These campaigns foreshadowed the brutality of the 1935 assault.

From conquest to oppression

In 1935, Italian forces advanced from Eritrea and Italian Somaliland, deploying tanks, aircraft and chemical weapons in violation of the 1925 Geneva Protocol. On 5 May 1936, Marshal Pietro Badoglio entered Addis Ababa at the head of his victorious troops and proclaimed the end of hostilities — yet the war was far from over. Less than a quarter of Ethiopia’s territory had been occupied, and at least 100 000 soldiers loyal to Emperor Haile Selassie remained at arms. What followed was a hidden war of resistance, largely suppressed by censorship, that lasted until February 1937. The war is estimated to have claimed the lives of around 70 000 Ethiopian soldiers and between 120 000 and 200 000 civilians.

Italian control lasted until 1941, when Ethiopian resistance, British intervention and the Second World War brought down Italian East Africa.

Even as clashes continued, Mussolini declared the creation of Italian East Africa, merging Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia into a single colony, and crowned King Vittorio Emanuele III as Emperor of Ethiopia.

Occupation was marked by systematic violence. The most infamous episode was ‘Yekatit 12’, when reprisals after an assassination attempt on viceroy Rodolfo Graziani left more than 30 000 civilians dead. Villages were razed to the ground, populations deported and forced into labour on infrastructure projects under brutal conditions. Resistance was met with executions, mass imprisonment and concentration camps where thousands died from disease and starvation. Italian authorities dismantled traditional governance, imposing language and culture in a bid to eliminate Ethiopian self-rule.

Italian control lasted until 1941, when Ethiopian resistance, British intervention and the Second World War brought down Italian East Africa. Haile Selassie was restored to the throne, but the scars of occupation – physical, social and political – remained.

Silence and denial

After 1945, Italians struggled to confront fascism’s crimes abroad. Successive governments found it easier to stress Italy’s victimhood under Nazism than its role as a colonial aggressor. Unlike Germany, Italy never underwent a systematic reckoning with its imperial past. This amnesia also reflects a deeper issue rooted in the post-war period, when the Resistance was elevated to a founding myth of the new Republic. The heroism of some 200 000 partisans and their supporters allowed the country to reimagine fascism not as a national project, but as a tragic aberration inflicted on Italians. In this version of history, Italians emerged as victims, absolved from the complicities that sustained two decades of dictatorship — a far cry from the antifascist intellectual Piero Gobetti’s indictment of fascism as ‘the autobiography of the nation’. This narrative, however, left no room to acknowledge responsibilities for the crimes committed during the occupation of Ethiopia and the other colonies.

The result is striking: public commemorations of the Ethiopian invasion are minimal. When the subject surfaces, it is often accompanied by nostalgia for roads, bridges or Art Deco buildings. Public figures have even celebrated the modernist legacy of ‘our architecture’, reflecting an aestheticised memory that sidelines violence. The return of the Axum obelisk from Rome to Ethiopia in 2005, after decades of dispute, remains one of the few symbolic acts of acknowledgement. When it was re-erected in 2008, critics, such as then-minister Vittorio Sgarbi, opposed the restitution and, years later, even encouraged attempts to ‘get it back’ on grounds of alleged neglect, implying Italians would be better at preserving the monument. Apart from Italian-Libyan diplomatic reparations in 2008 – when Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi apologised ‘for the suffering inflicted during the colonial period’ and signed a treaty worth $5 billion in investments and compensation – Italy has never publicly reconciled with its colonial violence through state apologies or reparations. Debates exist in academia and among activists, but not at the level of official national policy.

In a political climate where PM Meloni defends nationalist narratives that echo fascist talking points, Italy continues to honour the perpetrators of crimes it should instead confront.

However, remembering the Ethiopian war is not just an academic exercise. It speaks directly to questions of historical responsibility and the politics of memory in Europe. While statues of imperial figures spark fierce debate across much of the Western world, Italy’s colonial record is largely absent. Even the Black Lives Matter wave had limited traction beyond 2020’s mass rallies. Perhaps the most visible flashpoint was the statue of Indro Montanelli in Milan – defaced in 2020 over his admitted ‘marriage’ to a 12-year-old Eritrean girl during the colonial war – which triggered a culture-war backlash rather than a sustained reckoning; the mayor refused to remove the monument.

Acknowledging this past would also give depth to Italy’s contemporary relationship with Africa. Migration, trade and development policy are all shaped by historical ties, whether recognised or not. Pretending colonial ventures were benign does nothing to build mutual respect. Ninety years after the invasion, Italy does not need rituals of guilt, but it does need clarity. In a political climate where Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni defends nationalist narratives that echo fascist talking points, Italy continues to honour the perpetrators of crimes it should instead confront. In 2012, the town of Affile inaugurated a monument to Rodolfo Graziani, the viceroy who ordered the 1937 Addis Ababa massacre, while nearby Filettino – home to the Graziani family – still hosts a public park bearing his name, renovated with regional funds as recently as 2017. Confronting the full reality of Italy’s colonial past, and the violence it inflicted on others, is more urgent than ever.

🔥 Italians Committed Terrible Crimes, Then Forgot Them: Addis Ababa Fascist Massacre & Poison Gas 19 Feb 1937

https://wp.me/piMJL-cq0

https://www.bitchute.com/video/QMQ0ofCxPdrj/

🔥 የካቲት ፲፪/12 ፲፱፻፳፱/1929 ዓ.ም | ጣሊያኖች አስከፊ ወንጀሎችን ፈጽመዋል፣ ከዚያም ረሷቸው፤ ፋሽስት ኢጣልያ በአዲስ አበባ የፈጸመችው እልቂትና መርዝ ጋዝ እ.አ.አ የካቲት 19 ቀን 1937 ዓ.ም.

💭 Italy Invited a Genocider Black Mussolini aka Ahmed Ali | Woe to Italy, Mount Etna is Boiling!

💭 ኢጣሊያ የዘር ማጥፋት ወንጀል የፈፀመውን ጥቁር ሙሶሎኒ አቢይ አህመድ አሊን ጋበዘችው| ጣሊያን ወዮላት! የኤትና ተራራ/እሳተ ገሞራ እየፈላ ነው

https://www.bitchute.com/video/OdrYeyz4h2gO/

https://wp.me/piMJL-ba9

💭 Giorgia Meloni in 1996: “Mussolini Was a Good Politician, in That Everything He Did, He Did for Italy.” Wow!

እንኳን ለዘመነ ማርቆስ፣ ፍርድ ለሚሰጥበት እና ፍትሕ ለሚገኝበት አዲስ ፳፻፲፰/ 2018 ዓመት አደረሰን!

❖[፩ኛ የጴጥሮስ መልእክት ምዕራፍ ፭]❖

፩ እንግዲህ እኔ፥ ከእነርሱ ጋር ሽማግሌ የክርስቶስም መከራ ምስክር ደግሞም ሊገለጥ ካለው ክብር ተካፋይ የሆንሁ፥ በመካከላቸው ያሉትን ሽማግሌዎች እመክራቸዋለሁ፤

፪ በእናንተ ዘንድ ያለውን የእግዚአብሔርን መንጋ ጠብቁ፤ እንደ እግዚአብሔር ፈቃድ በውድ እንጂ በግድ ሳይሆን፥ በበጎ ፈቃድ እንጂ መጥፎውን ረብ በመመኘት ሳይሆን ጐብኙት፤

፫ ለመንጋው ምሳሌ ሁኑ እንጂ ማኅበሮቻችሁን በኃይል አትግዙ፤

፬ የእረኞችም አለቃ በሚገለጥበት ጊዜ የማያልፈውን የክብርን አክሊል ትቀበላላችሁ።

፭ እንዲሁም፥ ጐበዞች ሆይ፥ ለሽማግሌዎች ተገዙ፤ ሁላችሁም እርስ በርሳችሁ እየተዋረዳችሁ ትሕትናን እንደ ልብስ ታጠቁ፥ እግዚአብሔር ትዕቢተኞችን ይቃወማልና፥ ለትሑታን ግን ጸጋን ይሰጣል።

፮ እንግዲህ በጊዜው ከፍ እንዲያደርጋችሁ ከኃይለኛው ከእግዚአብሔር እጅ በታች ራሳችሁን አዋርዱ፤

፯ እርሱ ስለ እናንተ ያስባልና የሚያስጨንቃችሁን ሁሉ በእርሱ ላይ ጣሉት።

፰ በመጠን ኑሩ ንቁም፥ ባላጋራችሁ ዲያብሎስ የሚውጠውን ፈልጎ እንደሚያገሣ አንበሳ ይዞራልና፤

፱ በዓለም ያሉት ወንድሞቻችሁ ያን መከራ በሙሉ እንዲቀበሉ እያወቃችሁ በእምነት ጸንታችሁ ተቃወሙት።

፲ በክርስቶስ ኢየሱስ ወደ ዘላለም ክብሩ የጠራችሁ የጸጋ ሁሉ አምላክ ለጥቂት ጊዜ መከራን ከተቀበላችሁ በኋላ ራሱ ፍጹማን ያደርጋችኋል ያጸናችሁምል ያበረታችሁማል።

፲፩ ለእርሱ ክብርና ኃይል እስከዘላለም ድረስ ይሁን፤ አሜን።

፲፪ እየመከርኋችሁና የምትቆሙባት ጸጋ እውነትኛ የእግዚአብሔር ጸጋ እንድትሆን እየመሰከርሁላችሁ፥ የታመነ ወንድም እንደ ሆነ በቈጠርሁት በስልዋኖስ እጅ በአጭሩ ጽፌላችኋለሁ።

፲፫ ከእናንተ ጋር ተመርጣ በባቢሎን ያለች ቤተ ክርስቲያን ልጄም ማርቆስ ሰላምታ ያቀርቡላችኋል።

፲፬ በፍቅር አሳሳም እርስ በርሳችሁ ሰላምታ ተሰጣጡ። በክርስቶስ ላላችሁ ለሁላችሁ ሰላም ይሁን። አሜን።

😇 ሐዋርያው ቅዱስ ማርቆስን ያስገኘች ጽዮናዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ናት | ፴ ሚያዝያ ቅዱስ ማርቆስ | ፻ኛ ዓመት

https://wp.me/piMJL-eXl

😇 ጌታችን መድኃኒታችን ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ በዓለም ላይ ካሰማራቸው ሐዋርያት መካከል ሐዋርያው ማርቆስ አንዱ ነው።

ሐዋርያው ማርቆስን በሚመለከት መሪራስ አማን በላይ “ሐዋርያው ማርቆስ ዜግነቱ ሮማያዊ ሲሆን፡ ትውልዱ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነው። በዚያን ጊዜ ግብጾች ቦታ አልነበራቸውም ሲሉ ተናግረዋል። ሐዋርያው ማርቆስ ቤተሰቦቹ ኢትዮጵያዊ ሲሆኑ ነዋሪነታቸው ግብጽና ኢየሩሳሌም እንደነበረ በታሪክ ተጠቅሷል።

አባ ተስፋ ሞገስ፡ ቅዱስ ማርቆስ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነው መድኃኔ ዓለም ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ የይሑዳ አንበሳ ነው ሲሉ መጽሐፍ ጽፈዋል። ቅዱስ ማርቆስ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነው መድኃኒዓለም ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ የይሑዳ አንበሳ ነው የተባለው መጽሐፍ ገጽ 100 ላይ “ማርቆስ ሙሉ በሙሉ ኢትዮጵያዊ ነው” ሲሉ ጽፈዋል። እኒህ አባት ሐዋርያው ማርቆስን ብቻ ሳይሆን ሌሎች ሐዋርያት ኢትዮጵያዊ ደም ያላቸው መሆናቸውን በማመለከት ከፍ ተብሎ በተጠቀሰው መጽሐፍ ገጽ 42 ላይ፡ “ከኢትዮጵያውያን ዘር የሚወለደው ፊልጶስም ነው” ሲሉ ሁለቱ ሐዋርያት ከጌታችን ጋር ያደረጉትን የቃላት ልውውጥ በሚመለከት ጽፈዋል።

ከዚህ ላይ ማየት ያለብን እነዚህ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝቦች ቀድሞ ጀምረው ራሳቸውን ዝቅ የሚያደርጉና ለክብር የማይሮጡ በመሆናቸው ማንነታቸው ሊታወቅ አልቻለም። እንኳን ቀድሞ በቅርቡ የዳ/ዊ አጤ ቴዎድሮስን ታሪክ የፃፉት አንዱ ደራሲ መጽሐፉን የዘመኑ የታሪክ ሊቃውንቶችን ጥቅስ ለመውሰድ ሲሉ “የማይታወቀው ደራሲ” እንደጻፈው እየተባለ ነው የሚጠቀሰው። የጥንት ኢትዮጵያውያን “እወቁልን” የማይሉ በመሆናቸው ብዙ የታሪክ አባቶቻችን ስምና ታሪክ ተደብቆ ቀርቷል። በዚህ ባለንበት አገር አሉ ከሚባሉት ሊቆች መካከል ለአንዱ የሊቀ–ጠበብት ማዕረግ ዩኒቨርስቲው ሲሰጣቸው አስተዳዳሪው ለተሰብሳቢው እንግዳ እንዲህ ብለው ነበር፦

“ኢትዮጵያውያን ይህን ሰርተናል የማይሉ በስራቸው እንጂ ለወረቀት የማይጓጉ በመሆናቸው ይህ ዶ/ር እገሌ እንደሌሎች ዶክተሮች ማመልከቻ ይዞ ወደ ጽሕፈት ቤቱ መጥቶ አስቸግሮኝ አያውቅም። የስራውን ጥራትና ብቃት ዩኒቨርስቲው በማየቱ የሌቀ–ጠበብት ማዕረግ ሰጥቶታል” ብለዋል።

ትቤ አክሱም ገጽ 67 “ቅዱስ ማርቆስም ያባቱን ሀገር አስቀድሞም ያውቀው ስለነበረ መጥቶ እንዳስተማረ” ሲሉ ጽፈዋል። ከዚህ ላይ የኢትዮጵያውያን ከቀድሞ ጀምሮ የመጣው ታሪክ የሚያመለክተው ለክርስትና ሐይማኖት ከፍተኛ ተጋድሎ ማድረጋቸውን ነው። ሐዋርያው ማርቆስን የመሰለ መምሕር ያስገኘች ኢትዮጵያ ናት። ላይ እንደተጠቀሰው ዛሬ ድረስ በህይወት ያሉ ደራሲያን ኮሎኔልነታቸውን፣ ጠበብትነታቸውን ወይም ሊቅነታቸውን ሳይጠቅሱ መጽሐፍ የጻፉ ደራሲያን ነበሩ። ምክኒያቱም ኢትዮጵያውያን አብዛኛው እወቁኝ የማይሉ ናቸው። በዚህ ምክንያት ከቀድሞ ጀምሮ ተያይዞ በመምጣቱ ሐዋርያው ማርቆስ ኢትዮጵያዊ መሆኑ ሳይታወቅ ኖሮ ነበር።

መሪራስ አማን በላይ፡ “ጉግሣ” መጽሔት ቅጽ 2 ቁጥር 3 መጋቢት 1993 ዓ.ም. ገጽ 17 ላይ “የማርቆስን አክስት ማለት የበርናባስንና የአርስጦሎስን እህት ጴጥሮስን አግብቶ ነበር። እንዲሁሙ ዜግነቱ ኢትዮጵያዊ የቤተ እስራኤል የሌዊና የይሑዳ ነገድ የሆነ ወደ ቀሬና ቀራኒዮ ወደ ቤተ መቅደስ ሊሰግድ መጥቶ ስሙም ስምዖን ይባል ነበር። በበነጋታው ከአባቱና ከናቱ ዘመድ ከስምዖን ጋር ማርቆስ የጌታችንን የክርስቶስን ግርፋትና ሕማማቱን እየተከተለ ተምልክቷል። አጎቱንም የአባቱን ዘመድ ኢትዮጵያዊ ስምዖን የተባለ የቀሬና ሰው የጌታን መስቀል እንዲሸከም አይሑዳ ሊያስገድዱት አይቷል ተመልክቷል” ሲሉ ጽፈዋል። ስምዖን ኢትዮጵያዊ መሆኑን የሚያረጋግጥበት ምክንያት ስምዖን ኢትዮጵያዊ መሆኑን የሚያረጋግጥበት ምክንያት ስምዖን ጥቁር መሆኑን በሌሎችም ታሪክ ታውቋል።

ሐዋርያው ማርቆስ ኢትዮጵያዊ ስለሆነና ታሪኩን ስላወቁ ቀዳማዊ አጤ ኃይለ አጽሙ አጽሙ ቬነስ ግዛት / ከተማ ከሚቀር ግብጽ መግባት ይኖርበታል ብለው ከቬነስ መንግሥትና ቤተ ክርስቲያን ጋር ያደረጉት ጥረት ቀላል አይደለም። ቀደም ሲል ግብጾች ሊያስመልሱ ያልቻሉትን አጤ ኃይለ በጥረታቸው የቅዱስ ሐዋርያው ማርቆስ አጽም ወደ አፍሪቃዋ ግብጽ እንዲገባ ሆነ። ይህ ታሪክ በመሆኑ ሊገለጽ የሚገባው ሲሆን፡ ጃንሆይ መሠረት ያደረጉት ዋናው ነጥብ ሐዋርያው ቅዱስ ማርቆስ በዘሩ ኢትዮጵያዊ በመሆኑ ነው።

“የአጤ ኃይለ ታሪክ” ከሚለው መጽሐፋቸው ገጽ 1132 ላይ “ሐዋርያው ቅዱስ ማርቆስ ወደ ግብጽ ገብቶ ክርስትናን በማስተማር ላይ እያለ የክርስቲያኖችን ዕምነት የሚጠሉና በጣዖት የሚያመልኩ ከብዙ ጊዜ ጀምሮ ለምደውት ለቆየው አምላካቸው በጣም ቀናኢ የሆኑ በአሌክሳንድርያ መንገድ ላይ እየጎተቱ አሰቃይተው ገደሉት። እንደሞተም አሌክሰንድርያ በሚገኘው ቤተ ክርስቲያን ቀበሩት። በዚህ ቦታ ተቀብሮ ለብዙ ዘመን ከቆየ በኋላ በ820 ዓ.ም ሁለት የቬኑስ ነጋድያን አጽሙን በድብቅ ከተቀበረበት አስወጥተው ወደ ቬነስ ነጋድያን አጽሙን በድብቃ ከተቀበረበት አስወጥተው ወደ ቬነስ ወሰዱት በዚህ ከተማ በሚገኘው በቅዱስ ማርቆስ ቤተ ክርስቲያን አኑረውት ቦታው የበላይ ቅዱስ ሆኖ በክብር ይኖር ነበር። ስለሆነም የግብጽ ቤተ ክርስቲያን እንዲሰጣት በየጊዜው ከመጠየቅ አልቦዘነችም ነበር። ግርማዊ ንጉሠ ነገሥታት ቀዳማዊ ኃይለ ም ለግብጽ እንዲመለስ ብዙ ጊዜ ጠይቀዋል።

“ነገር ግን ሁሉም የሚፈጸመው እግዚአብሔር በፈቀደው ጊዜ ስለሆነ ጊዜው ሲደርስ የሮማው ርዕሠ ሌቀ ጳጳስ ጳውሎስ 6ኛ ስለፈቀዱ በሞተ በ1900 በተወሰደ 1140 ዓመት ወደ ጥንተ ቦታው ለመመለስ በቃ።” ካለ በኋላ አጽሙ የገባበትን ቀን ሲገልጹና ጃንሆይም በስፍራው መኖራቸውን ሲያብራሩ ገጽ 1133 ላይ፡ “የቅዱስ ማርቆስ አጽም ከቬነስ ወደ ግብጽ የገባው ግርማዊ ንጉሠ ነገሥት በአለበት ሰኔ 17 ቀን 1960 ዓ.ም ነው።” ብለዋል።

የሐዋርያው ማርቆስ አጽም ግብጻውያን ራሳቸው ካልሸጡት አልያም ጠቋሚ ካልሆኑ ቁጥራቸው ትንሽ በሆነ ነጋዴዎች ተሰርቆ ሊወሰድ አይችልም። መሠረቱን ካወቁ ጀምሮ አጽሙን ለማስመለስ ብዙ ሙከራ ቢያደርጉም አልተሳካላቸውም ነበር። በዚህ ምክንያት የሐዋርያው ማርቆስን አጽም ለማስመለስ የቻሉት ኢትዮጵያዊው ቀዳማዊ አጤ ኃይለ ናቸው። ያም በመጀመሪያ ጌታ ሲወለድ የእጅ መንሻ የሰጡ ሰብዓ ሰገል ኢትዮጵያውያን ሲሆኑ ኋላም ጌታችን በስደት መጥቶ የኖረባት ስትሆን ተመልሶም መጥቶ ወንጌልን ያስተማረባት አገር ናት። ከዚያም በጅሮንድ ጃንደረባ ባኮስ በ34 ዓ.ም ተጠምቆ ተመልሶ ወንግጌልን ያስተማረባት ኢትዮጵያ አገራችን ናት።

🛑 September 11: A Conspiracy Against Jesus, The Virgin Mary & Ethiopia?

https://rumble.com/v5ejhyc-september-11-a-conspiracy-against-jesus-the-virgin-mary-and-ethiopia.html

https://wp.me/piMJL-dCQ

https://www.bitchute.com/video/xuv8IMWDclHs

❖ Was Jesus Born on 9/11?

❖ ጌታችን አምላካችን ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ በመስከረም ፩ ነውን የተወለደው?

Who Can Stop Ethiopia’s Revolving Door of Injustices? | ፍትሕን ማን ያመጣል?

https://www.bitchute.com/video/NrO5O0u4yA3x/

https://rumble.com/v6xmcn0-who-can-stop-ethiopias-revolving-door-of-injustices-.html

😔 የኢትዮጵያን ተዘዋዋሪ የፍትሕ መጓደል በር ማን ሊያቆመው ይችላል?

✞ ያለ ፍትሕ እና ተጠያቂነት ሰላም የለም ፥ የበቀል ጊዜ ይመጣ ዘንድ ግድ ነው!

👉 Courtesy: Amnesty International, by Deprose Muchena, August 15, 2025

At the end of June, Amnesty International’s Senior Director of Regional Human Rights Impact, Deprose Muchena, announced that he will leave the organization after 11 years. He reflects on the human rights situation in Ethiopia.

When I joined the Amnesty movement to lead its team serving an important sub region of the Africa continent , first as the first Regional director for Southern Africa, then as Regional Director for East and Southern Africa, one of my responsibilities was to connect the organization more closely with the communities we serve and to integrate our work beyond borders. This was not an easy task, yet, as a lifelong history student from Zimbabwe, I have always carried the stories of these countries close to my heart.

One of those countries, of course, was Ethiopia – a place I grew up admiring.

Yet, there was much to learn about the contradictions as to how this African hero, primarily to those outside, looked to those living within.

Who deserves justice – and who gets to decide?

When I joined Amnesty in 2014, young people in Oromia were just starting their four-year long protest demanding justice and equity. The new government that came to power in 2018 as a result of this protest promised to deliver on demands. Instead, the Abiy Ahmed administration dashed all hopes.

Two years later, in 2020, civilians in Ethiopia found themselves in an armed conflict that was referred to as one of the worst atrocities of the 21st century – mass killings, mass displacements, sexual violence, and unmatched polarization.

The war that began in Tigray exposed not only the dangerous reality in Ethiopia, it also provoked all of us to ask far-reaching questions about humanity’s future.

Among other things, the conflict exposed the divisive role of big tech and a deeply deteriorating international political community that was failing to deliver on commitments embodied in the UN Charter.

Despite the denial of access to northern Ethiopia and the total communication blackout, my colleagues kept filling my desk with research they gathered about the atrocities that civilians were enduring. We then knocked on the doors of the UN and the AU to tell them, “The people” are going through something that you once said you would help “save” them from.

African solutions to African problems

Ethiopian authorities managed to block access to independent journalists, the UN-appointed commissioners and the African Commission-appointed investigators.

Yet, when Amnesty showed up in advocacy corridors demanding robust response, Ethiopian diplomats were running a campaign using “African solutions to African problems” dismissing international pressure to protect civilians as a foreign-imposed attack.

They succeeded in drowning out victims’ pleas for justice and accountability – in the worst way possible.

The revolving door of impunity

During the conflict in Northern Ethiopia when we stood in solidarity with victims of atrocities in one community, we would face the heat from another.

However, we chose to be guided only by facts and the law, not only in Ethiopia but globally, enabling the Amnesty movement to sustain itself over the past 60 years. We were influenced neither by a person’s passport nor ethnicity, but by whether they had been protected or violated.

In September 2023, Amnesty and others went to the UNHRC and told member states, again, that civilians were facing further atrocities and pleaded with them not to look away. Yet, a few told the council not to worry, as there is now a credible transitional justice process. This process remains on paper to date, while many are not certain if it exists even as a narrative.

And, as feared, the door revolved and another war broke out in the Amhara region.

The international legal order, which was long challenged for being dominated by a powerful few, is now failing to deliver the bare minimum.

At times like this, I often search my soul for a solution: “What can we do?”.

Solidarity is the most valued currency of the oppressed

Magai Matiop Ngong was 15 years old when he was sentenced to death in South Sudan. After our members from across the globe campaigned on his behalf, his sentence was commuted and he was later released.

Working as a human rights defender can feel like an uphill battle, but what gave me immense hope was the many people who, like Magai, came to me and said, “You saved my life.”

And nothing else enabled that impact to be possible like the solidarity that exists in Amnesty’s model, transcending race, nationality, geography, language, and class.

Still, I believe that no one has more power to stop atrocities and the culture of impunity than the ordinary Ethiopians.

Communities must be educated on the need to build a society that says, “No one is safe until everyone is safe.” For that to happen, we need a free press and a strong civil society that can represent the population and engage with those in power.

It is inconceivable that while speculation of another regional war in Ethiopia fills the air, Ethiopians are waiting to see if they will wake up to the sound of gunshots again.

Solidarity is indeed the most valued currency of the oppressed, and it is increasingly scarce. It requires leadership, investment, and a genuine commitment to making difficult decisions. It must leave no one behind, the greatest question is “How can we return agency to the people?”

I remember calling on Sudan to open its doors to Ethiopian refugees who fled the war since 2020. In 2023, we called on Sudan’s neighbors – including Ethiopia – to open their borders to Sudanese seeking shelter from another devastating war. We came full circle!

Across all the imaginary barriers, we must harness genuine solidarity to build a system that is guided only by the rule of law, with strong, independent institutions that can enforce it.

An empowered society that honors justice is possible in Ethiopia.

“You Will Never Be Able to Give Birth”: War-Related Sexual and Reproductive Violence in Ethiopia

https://rumble.com/v6wza8q-you-will-never-be-able-to-give-birth-war-related-sexual-and-reproductive-vi.html

https://www.bitchute.com/video/xvuj8Dtf3l4C/

❖ ገብርኤል 🧕 ማርያም ❖ ኡራኤል ❖ ጊዮርጊስ ❖ ተክለ ሐይማኖት 😇 መርቆርዮስ ❖ ዮሴፍ ❖ መድኃኔ ዓለም

😔 "መውለድ በጭራሽ አትችሉም"፤ ከጦርነት ጋር የተገናኘ ወሲባዊ እና የመራቢያ አመጽ በኢትዮጵያ

አምስት መቶ አስራ አምስት/515 የሕክምና መዝገቦች + ስድስት መቶ ሃምሳ ሰባት/657 የጤና ሰራተኞች በሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ "ስልታዊ በሆነ መንገድ፣ ሆን ተብሎና ቀጣይነት ባለው መልክ እየተፈጸመ ያለውን" የመራቢያ/ወሲባዊ ጥቃትን/ ይገልጣሉ።

"ባህላዊ የተከለከሉ ድርጊቶች, እንደ ብረት ሲደነቁ, እንደ እርሶቻቸው በሚፈጠሩበት ጊዜ, እናቶች በመደናገጡ, ልጆቻቸው ተገድለዋል.

• በርካታ አስገድዶ መድፈር ወንጀል፤

• የሴት ብልት፣ በአፍ፣ እና በቂጥ አስገድዶ መድፈር፤

• የቤተሰብ አባላትን ጨምሮ የግብረ ሥጋ ግንኙነት እንዲያዩ/እንዲመሥከሩ ይገደዳሉ፣

• የባዕድ ነገሮችን/ቁሳቁሶችን ከ ጾታዊ ጥቃት በኋላ ወደ ብልት ውስጥ ማስገባት፣

• የግዳጅ እርግዝና እና ግዳጅ የኤች.አይ.ቪ.፣

• በወሊድ ላይ ወሲባዊ ጥቃት; እና / ወይም፣

• የጾታ ግንኙነት ከሌሎች የማሰቃዘን ወይም ግድያዎች ጎን ለጎን ነው።

የሰብአዊ መብቶች ሐኪሞች (PHR) የጅምላ ጭካኔ እና ከባድ የሰብአዊ መብት ጥሰቶችን ለመከላከል ሳይንስን እና መድኃኒቶችን የሚጠቀም የኒው ዮርክ-ተኮር ተሟጋች ድርጅት ነው።

የትግራይ እና አማራ 'ልሂቃን' የት አሉ? ሜዲያዎቻቸውስ? ከጋላ-ኦሮሞ አጋሮቹ ጋር ያለምንም ይቅርታ እና ምሕረት ከእነ ባንዲራው ባፋጣኝ ተወግዶ ለፍርድ መቅረብ ያለበት “ሕወሓት” የተሰኘው ሃፍረት-የለሽ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ቅጥረኛስ? በአዲስ አበባ የሻምፓኝ ጠርሙስ እየከፈተ ይጨፍራል!

 😢😢😢 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😠😠😠

 😢😢😢 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😠😠😠

 😢😢😢 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😠😠😠

ይህ በዋናነት የዋቄዮ-አላህ-ሰይጣን ጭፍራ የሆነው የአረመኔ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ ዲያብሎሳዊ ሥራ ነው ታሪካቸው ሁሉ ያን ነበር ሲያስተምረን የነበረው፤

👹 ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እንበቀላችኋለን!

👹 ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እንበቀላችኋለን!

👹 ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እንበቀላችኋለን!

ይህን ሁሉ ዲያብሎሳዊ ሥራቸውን እያያችሁ ከእነዚህ አረመኔ የሰይጣን ጭፍሮች ጋር የምታብሩና ለእነርሱ ጠበቃ የምትቆሙ ሁሉ የገሃነም እሳት ይጠብቃችኋል!

የአሸባሪዎቹ ፍልስጤማውያን ጠበቃ የሆኑት እነ ጆርጂያ ሜሎኒም በእናቶቻችን እና እኅቶቻችን መከራ እና ስቃይ ላይ ለመሳለቅ ወደ አዲስ አበባ አምርተው ነበር። የእነዚህም አረመኔዎች ዕጣ ፈንታ ገሃነም እሳት ይሆናል

❖[መጽሐፈ መክብብ ምዕራፍ ፭፥፰]❖

“ከፍ ካለው በላይ ከፍ ያለ ይመለከታልና፥ ከእነርሱም በላይ ደግሞ ሌሎች ከፍ ይላሉና በአገሩ ድሆች ሲገፉ፥ ፍርድና ጽድቅም ሲነጠቅ ባየህ ጊዜ በዚህ ነገር አታድንቅ።”

😔 515 Medical Records + 657 Health Workers Reveal “Systematic, Deliberate, Ongoing" Reproductive Violence In Ethiopia

👉 Press Release: Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), New York, July 31, 2025.

Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) is a New York-based advocacy organisation that uses science and medicine to prevent mass atrocities and severe human rights violations.

Ongoing Conflict-Related Violence in Tigray Constitute Crimes Against Humanity

In Tigray, survivors experienced brutal and deliberate forms of conflict-related sexual and reproductive violence which caused severe and permanent psychological and physical harm to survivors, their families, and communities.

“Gang rapes, including culturally prohibited practices, raping when they are bleeding, entering bad things like steel into their wombs, raping mothers in front of their families. Imagine how it is, it is very sad their children were killed and they were also raped. The damage to their bodies cannot be described.”

• multiple perpetrator rape;

• vaginal, oral, and anal rape;

• forced witnessing of sexual violence including against family members;

• insertion of foreign objects into the vagina following sexual violence;

• forced pregnancy and forcible transmission of HIV or other sexually transmitted infections (STIs);

• sexual violence against children; and/or,

• sexual violence committed alongside other forms of torture or killings.

Combatants in Ethiopia have perpetrated widespread, systematic, and deliberate acts of conflict-related sexual and reproductive violence, according to a new report published today by Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and the Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa (OJAH).

The new report (“You Will Never Be Able to Give Birth”: Conflict-Related Sexual and Reproductive Violence in Ethiopia) is the most comprehensive study to date utilising medical evidence to understand the intent of perpetrators in the Tigray region – documenting how Ethiopian and Eritrean armed forces aimed to prevent future Tigrayan births and exterminate the ethnic group – and how impunity for sexual and reproductive violence is enabling further attacks in Amhara and Afar.

PHR and OJAH call on all parties to the conflict to adhere to international law and facilitate rehabilitation of survivors of conflict-related sexual and reproductive violence. The international community must ensure credible, independent documentation of crimes in Ethiopia and advance full accountability for perpetrators.

Researchers analysed an unprecedented scale of data from across the Afar, Amhara, and Tigray regions of Ethiopia, including 515 medical records of survivors of conflict-related sexual violence; 602 survey responses from health workers who have treated survivors; and 40 in-depth interviews with health workers and four focus groups with professionals who provided care to survivors.

“After triangulating medical records with survey data and interviews of health professionals, we have documented the intent that perpetrators expressed to survivors, including the Ethiopian and Eritrean militaries, to eradicate the Tigrayan ethnic group. The ongoing impunity for years of conflict-related sexual violence in Tigray – enabled by the Ethiopian government and the inaction of United Nations member states – has contributed to conflict-related sexual violence spreading to other regions of the country, including Afar and Amhara,” said Lindsey Green, report co-author and deputy director of research at PHR. “The crimes we’ve documented are harrowing and demand accountability: Perpetrators raping women and holding them in captivity until giving birth; rape by a median of three perpetrators at a time; foreign objects – including stones, nails, hand-written letters – inserted inside of survivors’ vaginas.”

“In the absence of any meaningful forms of justice and accountability, impunity for conflict-related sexual violence is fueling a vicious cycle of lawlessness and recurring conflict in Ethiopia. When perpetrators face no consequences, violence is normalised, survivors are silenced, and peace remains fragile. With conflict currently escalating in Amhara and tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea rising, breaking this cycle is vital not only for survivors, but for the future of Ethiopia and sustainable peace in the Horn of Africa,” said a report co-author at OJAH (identity not disclosed due to security threats).

Key findings include:

Intent to destroy reproductive capacity: 73 percent of surveyed health care workers in Tigray treated survivors who reported that perpetrators used language expressing intent to destroy their ability to reproduce or have children.

Multiple-perpetrator rape:

In Tigray: 91 percent of surveyed health workers reported seeing patients who had experienced multiple perpetrator rape; medical records showed a median of three perpetrators per incident.

In Amhara: 47 percent of health care workers surveyed reported treating survivors who had experienced sexual violence committed by multiple perpetrators.

Unwanted pregnancies from CRSV: 90 percent of surveyed health workers in Tigray saw at least a few patients with unwanted pregnancy from conflict-related sexual violence.

One survivor had a contraceptive implant forcibly removed before sexual violence with the intent to impregnate.

Foreign objects and CRSV: Medical records and interviews reveal that perpetrators in Tigray inserted objects – stones, nails, hand-written letters with revenge plans citing previous wars – inside of survivors’ vaginas.

Perpetrator identification:

In Tigray: 84 percent of health workers surveyed indicated survivors identified members of Eritrean military as perpetrators. 73 percent of health workers surveyed indicated survivors identified members of Ethiopian military as perpetrators; 51 percent indicated Amhara militias and Fano.

In Amhara: 79 percent of health care workers who were surveyed indicated survivors identified Tigray Forces as perpetrators. 35 percent indicated Ethiopian military and 24 percent indicated Amhara Special Forces.

In Afar: 33 percent of health care workers who were surveyed indicated survivors identified Tigray Forces as perpetrators; 9.5 percent indicated Eritrean militias.

Transmission of sexually transmitted infections: Within the medical records reviewed in Tigray, 50 percent of patients tested were positive for STIs and 17 percent were positive for HIV, while the national HIV prevalence rate in Ethiopia is 0.09 percent.

The conflict in Tigray, Ethiopia started in November 2020 between the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), with involvement from Eritrean military forces who were called in to support Ethiopian armed forces, and numerous ethno-regional militia groups notably from the Amhara and Afar regions of Ethiopia. The conflict was marked by widespread and severe forms of conflict-related sexual and reproductive violence as well as other human rights violations by all parties, some of which amount to crimes under international law. Following the signature of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in November 2022 by the government of Ethiopia and the TPLF, violence continued, including widespread and severe sexual and reproductive violence along ethnic-political lines across regions by military actors.

As the conflict unfolded, both the United Nations and the African Union established independent investigative mechanisms to document atrocities and preserve evidence for future justice and accountability processes. However, both mechanisms were prematurely shuttered in October 2024, without investigators even being allowed into the country, after successful lobbying by the Ethiopian government to defer to national mechanisms, including the transitional justice process outlined in the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement.

The governments of Ethiopia and Eritrea failed to respond to letters sharing the findings of the report and seeking further information about the governments’ efforts to ensure justice and accountability.

The report confirms that impunity for conflict-related sexual and reproductive violence in Tigray has contributed to further violence in Amhara and Afar, where the data shows such acts constitute war crimes, breaches of international humanitarian law, and human rights violations. Survivors identified perpetrators from military groups including the TPLF, who expressed intent when committing sexual and reproductive violence related to revenge for Amhara and Afar forces actions in the conflict in Tigray.

“Buckling to pressure from the Ethiopian government, the UN decision to prematurely shut down its justice mechanism emboldened perpetrators to act with impunity – and allowed conflict-related sexual violence to continue and spread across Ethiopia,” said Payal Shah, JD, report co-author and director of research, legal, and advocacy for PHR. “Ethiopians are facing a crisis: A health system still in tatters from war; threats of conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea; federal government crackdowns on civil society; U.S. aid cuts exacerbating public health crises. Survivors of sexual and reproductive violence and the brave clinicians who care for them have been sidelined and neglected. All parties to the conflict and UN member states must finally prioritize healing, accountability, and justice for sexual violence and forced pregnancy before impunity turns to violence yet again.”

👹 Notice how much they hate and mock us Christians: Just three days ago, Mussolini-admirer 'Female' Prime Minister of Italy, Giorgia Meloni traveled to Ethiopia to meet the mass sexual assaulter and genocider, Black Mussolini, Ahmed Ali. As usual, she was greeted with a very warm hug and a kiss by Genocidal Abiy Ahmed Ali who massacred and starved to death up to 2 million Orthodox Christians of Ethiopia. Officially, the two evils have met five times in two genocidal years. No word from Meloni about this crime during her visit. She and her European colleagues are genocide enablers. They are telling us that they promote and support this horrendous crime against Christians. These equally evil European politicians are more concerned for the fate of the genocidal Arab Muslims in Gaza than the incomparable suffering and degradation of Ethiopian Christians.  

❖[Ecclesiastes 5:8]❖

“If you see in a province the oppression of the poor and the violation of justice and righteousness, do not be amazed at the matter, for the high official is watched by a higher, and there are yet higher ones over them.”