😳
Genocide Architect Italian PM Giorgia Meloni Publicly Rages at
Genocide Architect US President Donald Trump, G7 Cold War Erupts Into
Full-Blown Spat Over 'Begged For Pic' Remark.
She said that
Trump lied about her while doing an Italian T.V. interview "begging"
for a picture with him during the G7 meeting, it never happened.
Trumps is losing it with world leaders worldwide, I really think that
he has some cognitive or mental health issues going on.
Italian foreign
minister cancels trip to US over Trump’s comments about Meloni
Italian Foreign
Minister Antonio Tajani announced Friday that he was canceling a
planned trip to the United States, where he was slated to meet with
Secretary of State Marco Rubio, in response to Trump’s reported
remarks. Tajani called Trump’s claims “offensive,” while Meloni
said they were “completely fabricated.”
👹 Edomite Roman
Meloni in Ethiopia to Give The Fascist Oromo Islamic Regime a Green
Light for More Genocide
“Shall the
wicked be justified by the balanced, or deceitful weights in the bag, whereby they
have accumulated their ungodly wealth, and they that dwell in the
city have uttered falsehoods, and their tongue has been exalted in
their mouth? "Therefore
will I begin to strike you; I will destroy you in your sins. You
shall eat, and shall not be satisfied; and there shall be darkness
upon you; and he shall depart from you, and you shall not escape; and
all that shall escape shall be delivered over to the sword. You shall
sow, but you shall not reap; you shall press the olive, but you shall
not anoint yourself with oil; and shall make wine, but you shall
drink no wine; and the ordinances of My people shall be utterly
abolished. For you have kept the statues of Omri, and done all the
works of the house of Ahab; and you have walked in their ways, that I
might deliver you to utter destruction, and those that inhabit the
city to hissing: and you shall bear the reproach of nations."
► Meet Rodolfo
Graziani, “The Butcher of Ethiopia,” the Fascist war criminal who
escaped justice. Explore colonial atrocities, genocide, poison gas,
political cover-ups, and the shocking reasons he never truly paid.
☪ Under the fascist Viceroy Rodolfo Graziani, General Pietro
Maletti commanded the 45th Muslim Colonial Battalion (composed of
Libyan, Eritrean and Somali colonial soldiers, the so-called
Askaris), which was used in the devastating Debre Libanos massacre in
Ethiopia in May 1937.
👹 In 1937
Benito Mussolini proclaimed himself "Protector of Islam"
☪ The Union of Ishmael
and Esau that is shaking the world continues!
❖ People of the flesh are united in persecuting those of the
spirit!
👹
Edomite Romans Avenging the Ethiopia
Humiliation of 1896 Via The Heathen Oromos & Black Mussolini
Like 40 years earlier, and like today the traitor Gala-Oromo &
Oromara Soldiers were associated with the enemies and the traitors
mixed in disguise with the forces of Fascist Italy to Massacre, Gas
and starve to death million of Ethiopian Christians.
The Romans
brought another Oromo Ras Teferi a.k.a Haile Selassie into power. He
too did the Italian job for them, massacring and starving to death
millions of Northern Ethiopian Christians.
Yes,
with this the 2nd World War started in Ethiopia – and a
few years after the Ethiopia adventure, the Romans/Europeans had to
pay another heavy price for their continued Jihad against Ethiopian
Orthodox Christians. Between 1939 to 1945 some 75 million people died
in World War II, including about 20 million military personnel and 40
million civilians.
Rodolfo
Graziani: The General Who Oversaw Mass Killings That Left Thousands
Dead in Ethiopia During the Italian Occupation
Rodolfo
Graziani was one of the most violent figures produced by European
colonialism in Africa. An Italian general and senior official under
Benito Mussolini, he became notorious for directing mass killings,
chemical warfare, and terror campaigns during Italy’s invasion and
occupation of Ethiopia in the 1930s. His actions earned him the
notorious title “The Butcher of Ethiopia.”
Rodolfo Graziani
was born in 1882 in Filettino, Italy. He joined the Italian army as a
young man and quickly built a career in colonial warfare. His
reputation was formed not in Ethiopia, but in Libya, where Italy
fought to suppress resistance against its colonial rule after 1911.
In Libya,
Graziani helped oversee policies that included forced displacement of
civilian populations, mass executions, and the use of concentration
camps. Entire communities were uprooted and driven into camps where
hunger and disease killed tens of thousands.
These campaigns
established Graziani as a commander willing to use extreme violence
against civilians. This record made him attractive to Mussolini’s
fascist regime, which valued ruthless efficiency over restraint.
Italy’s
Invasion of Ethiopia
In 1935,
Fascist Italy invaded Ethiopia, one of the last independent states in
Africa. The war was partly meant to avenge Italy’s defeat at the
Battle of Adwa in 1896, when Axumite Ethiopian forces decisively
defeated an invading Italian army, humiliating Italy and preserving
Ethiopia’s independence.
Determined to
reverse that embarrassment and expand his empire, Benito Mussolini
launched a new invasion nearly four decades later. During the
campaign, Rodolfo Graziani commanded Italian forces advancing from
southern Ethiopia while the main Italian offensive pushed in from the
north.
Italian troops
encountered sustained resistance from Ethiopian forces who relied on
mobility, terrain, and local support rather than modern weapons. To
break this resistance, Italian commanders adopted methods that openly
violated international law.
Italy’s
conduct in Ethiopia followed an established colonial pattern. In
1923, during the Rif War, Spain became the first European power to
use modern chemical weapons in a war in Africa, deploying mustard gas
against Rif fighters and civilians in northern Morocco. These attacks
were carried out by aircraft, making them among the earliest cases of
aerial chemical warfare in history. African territory had already
been treated as a space where banned weapons could be tested without
consequence.
Following this
precedent, Italian forces, including those under Graziani’s
command, systematically used mustard gas during the Ethiopian
campaign. Chemical agents were dropped from aircraft and fired in
artillery shells against Ethiopian soldiers, villages, and retreating
civilians. Rivers and water sources were deliberately contaminated,
causing prolonged suffering long after battles ended. These actions
violated the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which Italy had signed.
Governor of
Occupied Ethiopia
After Addis
Ababa fell in 1936, Ethiopia was formally annexed into Italian East
Africa. Graziani was appointed Viceroy and Governor General, giving
him both military and civilian authority.
Resistance did
not end with the occupation. Ethiopian patriots, known as the
arbegnoch, continued to attack Italian positions. Graziani responded
not with targeted security measures, but with a policy of terror
aimed at the civilian population.
Villages
suspected of supporting resistance were burned. Civilians were
executed without trial. Entire communities were punished for attacks
they had no role in. Violence was not accidental or uncontrolled. It
was deliberate policy.
The single
event most closely tied to Graziani’s name occurred on February 19,
1937, known in Ethiopia as Yekatit 12.
That day, two
young Eritreans attempted to assassinate Graziani during a public
ceremony in Addis Ababa. He survived with injuries. His response was
immediate and devastating.
Graziani
ordered massive reprisals against the city’s population. For
several days, Italian soldiers, colonial troops, and armed settlers
carried out killings across Addis Ababa. People were shot, stabbed,
or burned alive. Homes were set on fire. Bodies were left in the
streets as a warning.
Contemporary
estimates range widely: Ethiopian sources claim up to 30,000
civilians were killed, while later scholarly estimates suggest tens
of thousands may have perished in the repression.
Summary
executions continued for weeks, with at least 1,469 people executed
by the end of the following month and over a thousand Ethiopian
notables imprisoned or deported.
Italian forces
gathered residents of Addis Ababa and ordered house-to-house
killings, including women and children. Many were shot, bayoneted,
stabbed, or burned alive.
This massacre
left an enduring scar on Ethiopian collective memory and cemented
Graziani’s reputation as a perpetrator of colonial genocide.
👹
Evil Ahmed's Italian Babysitter Meloni 'Celebrates' Easter, not In
The Vatican, Rather in Mecca
🥴 Note! Pope Leo XIV visited four African countries (Angola, Equatorial Guinea, Cameroon) including Muslim Algeria three weeks ago for eleven days.
On the other hand, there is a very surprising fact; that is; no Roman Catholic Pope has ever visited Ethiopia, the oldest Christian country in the world. Besides the Vatican Pope, no Russian Orthodox Patriarch, no Russian or Soviet leader, and no Tsar has ever visited Ethiopia, which is connected to the Russian people through Alexander Pushkin. The United States sent its first and last president in 2015. Like the jihadist New York City Mayor Mamdani, the East African Muslim Barack Hussein Obama. What is the secret?
👹 Genocidal Abiy Ahmed Ali: “I am a Muslim! Allah
Snackbar”
Ninety years
after its invasion of Ethiopia, Italy continues to honour the
perpetrators of crimes it should instead confront.
Ninety years ago, on 3 October 1935, Italian troops invaded Ethiopia,
opening one of the darkest chapters in modern history. Ethiopia,
uniquely independent when the Berlin Conference of 1884–85 started
the European ‘Scramble for Africa’, suddenly faced an assault by
a state determined to complete the colonial map.
The campaign was not a sideshow. It was the last large-scale European
colonial conquest in Africa — a deliberate war of aggression that
defied the League of Nations and shocked contemporaries. Italian
planes dropped mustard gas on soldiers and civilians alike. Entire
villages were bombed and burned; survivors were deported to camps.
Tens of thousands died.
Yet for decades, this invasion has remained at the margins of public
memory. Italians tend to recall the fall of fascism or the
devastation of the Second World War, while the Ethiopian war – and
earlier aggressions in Libya, Somalia and Eritrea – are still
dismissed as an embarrassing footnote. This year’s 90th anniversary
is unlikely to be treated differently.
The myth of
the ‘good Italian’
A central reason lies in the enduring myth of ‘italiani brava
gente’ — the belief that Italians were somehow ‘better’
colonisers. As the historian Angelo Del Boca has shown, this
narrative was cultivated from the very start of Italy’s expansion
in 1885. Governments and cultural institutions promoted the idea that
they brought roads, railways and architecture rather than chains and
massacres. For decades, textbooks framed Italy’s presence in Africa
as a civilising mission, while popular culture romanticised the
colonies as lands of adventure. Echoes of this narrative still
linger.
But the
story collapses under the weight of evidence.
The conquest of Ethiopia was meant to be Mussolini’s crowning
achievement: proof that a ‘new Roman Empire’ could be built in
the 20th century. Yet Italy’s imperial ambitions pre-dated fascism.
Liberal governments, with full backing from the monarchy, had seized
Eritrea and Somalia in the 1880s and 1890s; attempted and failed to
conquer Ethiopia in 1896 at Adwa; and in 1911 invaded Ottoman Libya,
carrying out mass deportations and pioneering aerial bombing of
civilians. These campaigns foreshadowed the brutality of the 1935
assault.
From
conquest to oppression
In 1935, Italian forces advanced from Eritrea and Italian Somaliland,
deploying tanks, aircraft and chemical weapons in violation of the
1925 Geneva Protocol. On 5 May 1936, Marshal Pietro Badoglio entered
Addis Ababa at the head of his victorious troops and proclaimed the
end of hostilities — yet the war was far from over. Less than a
quarter of Ethiopia’s territory had been occupied, and at least 100
000 soldiers loyal to Emperor Haile Selassie remained at arms. What
followed was a hidden war of resistance, largely suppressed by
censorship, that lasted until February 1937. The war is estimated to
have claimed the lives of around 70 000 Ethiopian soldiers and
between 120 000 and 200 000 civilians.
Italian control lasted until 1941, when Ethiopian resistance, British
intervention and the Second World War brought down Italian East
Africa.
Even as clashes continued, Mussolini declared the creation of Italian
East Africa, merging Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia into a single
colony, and crowned King Vittorio Emanuele III as Emperor of
Ethiopia.
Occupation was marked by systematic violence. The most infamous
episode was ‘Yekatit 12’, when reprisals after an assassination
attempt on viceroy Rodolfo Graziani left more than 30 000 civilians
dead. Villages were razed to the ground, populations deported and
forced into labour on infrastructure projects under brutal
conditions. Resistance was met with executions, mass imprisonment and
concentration camps where thousands died from disease and starvation.
Italian authorities dismantled traditional governance, imposing
language and culture in a bid to eliminate Ethiopian self-rule.
Italian control lasted until 1941, when Ethiopian resistance, British
intervention and the Second World War brought down Italian East
Africa. Haile Selassie was restored to the throne, but the scars of
occupation – physical, social and political – remained.
Silence and
denial
After 1945, Italians struggled to confront fascism’s crimes abroad.
Successive governments found it easier to stress Italy’s victimhood
under Nazism than its role as a colonial aggressor. Unlike Germany,
Italy never underwent a systematic reckoning with its imperial past.
This amnesia also reflects a deeper issue rooted in the post-war
period, when the Resistance was elevated to a founding myth of the
new Republic. The heroism of some 200 000 partisans and their
supporters allowed the country to reimagine fascism not as a national
project, but as a tragic aberration inflicted on Italians. In this
version of history, Italians emerged as victims, absolved from the
complicities that sustained two decades of dictatorship — a far cry
from the antifascist intellectual Piero Gobetti’s indictment of
fascism as ‘the autobiography of the nation’. This narrative,
however, left no room to acknowledge responsibilities for the crimes
committed during the occupation of Ethiopia and the other colonies.
The result is striking: public commemorations of the Ethiopian
invasion are minimal. When the subject surfaces, it is often
accompanied by nostalgia for roads, bridges or Art Deco buildings.
Public figures have even celebrated the modernist legacy of ‘our
architecture’, reflecting an aestheticised memory that sidelines
violence. The return of the Axum obelisk from Rome to Ethiopia in
2005, after decades of dispute, remains one of the few symbolic acts
of acknowledgement. When it was re-erected in 2008, critics, such as
then-minister Vittorio Sgarbi, opposed the restitution and, years
later, even encouraged attempts to ‘get it back’ on grounds of
alleged neglect, implying Italians would be better at preserving the
monument. Apart from Italian-Libyan diplomatic reparations in 2008 –
when Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi apologised ‘for the suffering
inflicted during the colonial period’ and signed a treaty worth $5
billion in investments and compensation – Italy has never publicly
reconciled with its colonial violence through state apologies or
reparations. Debates exist in academia and among activists, but not
at the level of official national policy.
In a political climate where PM Meloni defends nationalist narratives
that echo fascist talking points, Italy continues to honour the
perpetrators of crimes it should instead confront.
However, remembering the Ethiopian war is not just an academic
exercise. It speaks directly to questions of historical
responsibility and the politics of memory in Europe. While statues of
imperial figures spark fierce debate across much of the Western
world, Italy’s colonial record is largely absent. Even the Black
Lives Matter wave had limited traction beyond 2020’s mass rallies.
Perhaps the most visible flashpoint was the statue of Indro
Montanelli in Milan – defaced in 2020 over his admitted ‘marriage’
to a 12-year-old Eritrean girl during the colonial war – which
triggered a culture-war backlash rather than a sustained reckoning;
the mayor refused to remove the monument.
Acknowledging this past would also give depth to Italy’s
contemporary relationship with Africa. Migration, trade and
development policy are all shaped by historical ties, whether
recognised or not. Pretending colonial ventures were benign does
nothing to build mutual respect. Ninety years after the invasion,
Italy does not need rituals of guilt, but it does need clarity. In a
political climate where Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni defends
nationalist narratives that echo fascist talking points, Italy
continues to honour the perpetrators of crimes it should instead
confront. In 2012, the town of Affile inaugurated a monument to
Rodolfo Graziani, the viceroy who ordered the 1937 Addis Ababa
massacre, while nearby Filettino – home to the Graziani family –
still hosts a public park bearing his name, renovated with regional
funds as recently as 2017. Confronting the full reality of Italy’s
colonial past, and the violence it inflicted on others, is more
urgent than ever.
🔥Italians
Committed Terrible Crimes, Then Forgot Them: Addis Ababa Fascist
Massacre & Poison Gas 19 Feb 1937
M & Ms: Modi, Macron, Mohammad, Meloni all
travel to Addis Ababa to congratulate the genocidal PM of the
fascist Galla-Oromo Islamic Regime of Ethiopia, Black Mussolini
aka Abiy Ahmed, for massacring 2 million
Orthodox Christians.
