How to Get Away With Mass Murder: 4 Tactics 'Oromos' Used to Hide Tigray Atrocities From The World

https://www.bitchute.com/video/PPhv58MFgAqL/

https://rumble.com/v75nu5c-how-to-get-away-with-mass-murder-4-tactics-oromos-used-to-hide-tigray-atroc.html

👹 ከጅምላ ጭፍጨፋ እንዴት ማምለጥ እንደሚቻል፤ የትግራይን ጭፍጨፋ ከአለም ለመደበቅ ጋላ-ኦሮሞዎች የተጠቀሙባቸው አራት/ 4 ዘዴዎች

😔 የፍትህ እና የተጠያቂነት አለመኖር ከዋና ዋና ምክንያቶች አንዱ ሁሉም ወገኖች፣ አእምሮአቸውን የተነጠቁትን ኢ-አማኒያኑን ሕወሓቶች ጨምሮ፣ የኢትዮጵያን እናት እና የጥንቷን የክርስትና ሃይማኖቷን ለማጥፋት አብረው መስራታቸው ነው። ይህ እኮ በግልጽ ታይቷል። እያንዳንዱ የዘር ማጥፋት ጂሃድ ተመሳሳይ ንድፍ ይከተላል - ተሲስ ፣ ፀረ-ፀረስታ እና ውህደት/መደመር።

በመጨረሻም፣ ፍትህ ምንም ይሁን ምን ያሸንፋል። በዚህ ዓለም ባይሆን ኖሮ በመጨረሻው ዓለም። ለዚህም እኮ ነው የፍርድ ቀን ያለን። ወዮላቸው! ወዮላቸው! ወዮላቸው!

👉 Courtesy:The Coversation, by Teklehaymanot G. Weldemichael, Manchester, February 12, 2026

The Tigray region in Ethiopia’s north has endured one of the world’s deadliest armed conflicts of the 21st century. Between 2020 and 2022, as many as 800,000 people were killed (out of a regional population of about 7 million). This rivals estimates from recent major conflicts, including those in Ukraine, Yemen, Sudan and Syria.

The war was fought between Tigray’s security forces and the allied forces of Ethiopia and Eritrea, along with ethnic militias from different regions of Ethiopia.

This period was marked by organized massacres. There was also systematic sexual violence and mass displacement. Ethnic cleansing and prolonged siege conditions devastated civilians.

Despite its unparalleled scale, the Tigray crisis remained largely invisible to the world. Factors such as race and the peripherality of the region made the Tigray conflict a blind spot in global geopolitics. But these explanations are not sufficient.

I have studied Ethiopia’s politics, and closely followed developments in Tigray since the outbreak of the war. In a recent article, I examined the steps taken by the Ethiopian government and its allies to conceal atrocities from global scrutiny.

I analyzed regime statements, media coverage and reports from local and international human rights organizations shortly before and during the war. I found that the war and its associated human rights and humanitarian crises were not hidden by accident. They were actively rendered invisible.

The fascist Oromo Islamic regime and its allies employed four major tactics to create a “zone of invisibility” – a deliberate effort to obscure what was happening:

• communication shutdowns

• restrictions on journalists and humanitarian agencies

• physical blockades that limited access to information and evidence

• and narratives that reframed the Tigrayan population as legitimate targets of violence.

These measures allowed atrocities to unfold with limited external scrutiny.

The tactics could easily be replicated by Ethiopia – or by other authoritarian regimes elsewhere – which makes understanding the Tigray case crucial.

The Tigray war demonstrates how modern authoritarian states can combine military force, information control and narrative framing to obscure mass atrocities.

When mass violence is rendered invisible, it is rarely resolved. Instead, it is reproduced. And when accountability is deferred, the conditions that enabled atrocities remain intact.

Manufactured invisibility

The production of a “zone of invisibility” in Tigray was the result of deliberate political and military strategies. The fascist Oromo Islamic regime and its allies systematically limited what could be seen, documented and understood about the war.

1. Communication shutdowns: Immediately after the war began, the fascist Oromo Islamic regime imposed a near-total communications blackout. This lasted over two years. It happened alongside widespread disruptions of telecom, media and power infrastructure. These measures isolated Tigray and prevented information about violence from circulating.

2. Restrictions on journalists and humanitarian organizations: Access to the region was tightly controlled. Journalists and humanitarian organizations were denied entry or restricted in their movements. This removed independent witnesses who could document events and convey civilian suffering to global audiences.

3. Physical blockades: Road closures, territorial occupation and blocked aid routes physically isolated the region. Tigray became a space where violence was difficult to observe or escape, allowing atrocities to unfold largely beyond international scrutiny.

4. Narrative framing: The federal state promoted narratives that made the violence in Tigray appear legitimate and necessary. Official discourse and allied media portrayed Tigrayans as “rebels”, “weeds” and a “cancer in the body politic”. This language dehumanized the population and normalised collective punishment. Such framing dampened calls for intervention and accountability. Additionally, the Tigray war was presented as a “law enforcement operation”. It was often addressed as a domestic conflict. This is despite the full-scale involvement of the Eritrean army. Foreign states also supplied weapons, including the United Arab Emirates, Israel, Turkey and China.

Taken together, these patterns suggest that the violence was structured, targeted and sustained.

Large-scale fighting in Tigray formally ended with the Pretoria Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in November 2022. However, the aftermath has not brought justice or security.

Instead, violence has persisted in Tigray – and spread across Ethiopia.

Accountability mechanisms have been weakened or dismantled. Survivors of the 2020–2022 war continue to live under conditions of profound insecurity, humanitarian deprivation and ongoing human rights violations.

Evading justice and accountability

Following the ceasefire deal in 2022, the fascist Oromo Islamic regime effectively undermined and ultimately dismantled international investigative mechanisms into crimes committed during the Tigray war.

In 2023, both the UN-mandated International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia and an African Union commission of inquiry were terminated. This left no independent international body to pursue accountability.

The dismantling of these mechanisms partly resulted from a sustained campaign by the regime and its allies. However, international actors also allowed themselves to be persuaded by promises made by Ethiopian authorities to establish domestic transitional justice processes.

These commitments amounted to what the UN Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia has described as “quasi-compliance”: symbolic gestures rather than genuine efforts to ensure accountability.

This is evident in the absence of meaningful attempts to prosecute perpetrators, protect survivors or halt ongoing violence in the post-ceasefire period.

Instead, the the fascist Oromo Islamic regime has used the ceasefire agreement to rehabilitate its international image. It has re-established diplomatic and trade relations with regional blocs such as the European Union. These ties had been strained by human rights violations in Tigray.

What happens when atrocities go unnoticed, unpunished, or even tacitly accepted? Impunity does not end violence; it perpetuates it.

After a relative pause over the past three years, active war has flared up again in Tigray in 2026.

This has raised the prospect of a renewed full-scale siege. This is evidenced by recent drone attacks and the suspension of flights to the region.

Further, since late 2025, the federal government has seemed to be moving toward a potential war with Eritrea. This would severely impact Tigray once again. Any confrontation is likely to be fought over Tigrayan territory.

The fascist Oromo Islamic regime is invoking Eritrea’s occupation of Tigrayan territories – as grounds for confrontation.

In an address to the federal parliament in February 2026, the genocidal Oromo Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed further acknowledged that the Eritrean army killed civilians on a large scale in Tigray, and dismantled and looted civilian infrastructure.

With rhetoric hardening on both sides, war appears increasingly likely.

Diffusion of violence beyond Tigray

The enduring consequences of invisibility and impunity are evident across Ethiopia.

Since the signing of the ceasefire in 2022, the fascist Oromo Islamic regime and its former allies have fractured and turned their weapons against one another.

In the Amhara region, south of Tigray, is the Fano. This is an ethnic militia accused of ethnic cleansing in western Tigray and other grave crimes alongside the federal army. It’s now been engaged in armed conflict with that same army for nearly three years.

Rather than marking a transition to peace, the post-ceasefire period in Tigray has led to the diffusion and normalization of violence across Ethiopia’s political and geographic landscape.

One of the main reasons for the absence of Justice and Accountability is all sides, including the brainwashed atheists of TPLF, work together to destroy the mother of Ethiopia and its ancient Christian faith. Each genocidal jihad follows the same pattern — that of thesis, antithesis, synthesis.

In the end, justice will prevail, no matter what. If not in this world, in the Hereafter. That's why we have Judgment Day.

😈 በኢሉሚናዊ - ሉሲፈሪያን - ሜሶናዊ - ሰይጣናዊ አጀንዳዎችን የሚከተሉት የምዕራባውያኑ ኤዶማውያን - ምስራቃውያኑ እስማኤላውያን አካላት ፣ ቡድኖች እና ግለሰቦች በጥንታውያኑ ኦሮቶዶክስ ክርስቲያኖች ላይ በአጠቃላይ ባለፉት ሦስት መቶ ዓመታት፣ በተለይ ላለፉት መቶ ሰላሣ ዓመታት እና ዛሬ የዘር ማጥፋት ጂሃድ በማካሄድ ላይ ያለውንና በክፉው ግራኝ አብዮት አህመድ አሊ የሚመራውን የፋሺስት ጋላ-ኦሮሞ አገዛዝን እየረዱ ነው።

🔥 በአክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ላይ እና በዩክሬን ላይ የተከፈተው ጦርነት ያሳየን፡-

😈 የሚከተሉት ሃገራት፣ ተቋማት፣ አካላት፣ ቡድኖችና ግለሰቦች በሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ ጀነሳይድ ጂሃድ ላይ ተሳትፈዋል፤

• ☆ የተባበሩት መንግስታት
• ☆ የተባበሩት መንግስታት የምግብ እና እርሻ ድርጅት (ፋኦ)
• ☆ የአለም ጤና ድርጅት
• ☆ አንቶኒዮ ጉቴሬስ
• ☆ ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም ገብረእየሱስ
• ☆ ክላውስ ሽዋብ
• ☆ ኢለን ማስክ (ስታርሊንክ)
• ☆ ፒተር ቲል (ፓላንቲር)
• ☆ የአውሮፓ ህብረት
• ☆ የአፍሪካ ህብረት
• ☆ አሜሪካ፣ ካናዳ እና ኩባ
• ☆ ፕሬዝዳንቶች ባይደን እና ትራምፕ
• ☆ ሩሲያ
• ☆ ዩክሬን
• ☆ ቻይና
• ☆ እስራኤል
• ☆ የአረብ ሀገራት / የአረብ ሊግ / የተባበሩት አረብ ኤሚራቶች / ሳውዲ አረቢያ
• ☆ ደቡብ ኢትዮጵያውያን
• ☆ አማራዎች
• ☆ ጋላ-ኦሮሞዎች
• ☆ ኤርትራ
• ☆ ጅቡቲ
• ☆ ኬንያ
• ☆ ሱዳን
• ☆ ሶማሊያ
• ☆ ግብፅ
• ☆ ኢራን
• ☆ ፓኪስታን
• ☆ ህንድ
• ☆ አዘርባጃን
• ☆ አምነስቲ ኢንተርናሽናል
• ☆ ሂዩማን ራይትስ ዎች
• ☆ የአለም ምግብ ፕሮግራም (2020 የኖቤል የሰላም ተሸላሚ)
• ☆ የኖቤል ሽልማት ኮሚቴ
• ☆ የአለም ኢኮኖሚ መድረክ
• ☆ የአለም ባንክ እና የአለም የገንዘብ ድርጅት
• ☆ ኢ-አማኒያን እና አኒሚስቶች
• ☆ ሙስሊሞች
• ☆ ፕሮቴስታንቶች
• ☆ ሰዶማውያን
• ☆ ዋና የሜዲያ ተቋማት
• ☆ ፌስቡክ ፣ ዩቲውብ ፣ ቲክ ቶክ
• ☆ ህወሓት

💭 እነዛ አንዱ የሌላው ጠላት የሆኑት ብሄሮች እንኳን እንደ፡ ‘እስራኤል vs ኢራን’፣ ‘ሩሲያ + ቻይና vs ዩክሬን + ምዕራባውያን’፣ ‘ግብፅ + ሱዳን vs ኢራን + ቱርክ’፣ ‘ህንድ vs ፓኪስታን’ አሁን ጓደኛሞች ሆነዋል – እንደ ሁሉም በጸረ-ክርስቲያን ጸረ-ጽዮን-ኢትዮጵያዊ-ሴራ አንድ ናቸው። ይህ ከመቼውም ጊዜ በፊት ሆኖ አያውቅም, በጣም አስገራሚ ክስተት ነው - በአለም ታሪክ ውስጥ እንግዳ የሆነ ልዩ ገጽታ.

✞ ከጽዮናዊት አክሱማዊቷ-ኢትዮጵያውያን ጋር፡-

• ❖ ሁሉን ቻይ የሆነው እግዚአብሔር እና ቅዱሳኑ
• ❖ ጽዮን ማርያም
• ❖ የቃል ኪዳኑ ታቦት / ታቦተ ጽዮን

* The Deadliest country no one wants to report truthfully about is Ethiopia.

* Since the beginning of the genocidal Jihad in the Northern Ethiopian regions of Tigray, Amhara and Afar in November 2020 till today:

❖ – 1.5 Million Orthodox Christians were brutally Massacred

❖ – 200.000 Orthodox Christian Women, children and nuns were Raped and abused

❖ – Over a Million Ethiopians were forced to migrate to other countries

❖ – 4.4 million internally displaced people severely impacted by conflict, hostilities and climate shocks

❖ – Over a Million female Ethiopian slaves were sold to Arab countries

❖ – 20 million Ethiopian are forced to experience food insecurity

by the fascist Islamo-Protestant, Oromo army of the prosperity gospel heretic PM Abiy Ahmed Ali and his UN, Arab, Israeli, Turkish, Iranian, European, American, Russian, Ukrainian, African allies.

🔥 The Wars in Tigray , Ethiopia and Ukraine showed us:

😈 United by their Illuminist-Luciferian-Masonic-Satanist agendas The following Edomite-Ishmaelite nations, entities, bodies and individuals are waging Jihad against the ancient Christian nation of Axumite Ethiopia – as they all actively and openly assist, empower and protect, the genocidal fascist Oromo Islamic regime of evil Abiy Ahmed Ali:

• ☆ The United Nations
• ☆ The World Health Organization
• ☆ António Guterres
• ☆ Tedros Adhanom
• ☆ Klaus Schwab
• ☆ Elon Musk (Starlink)
• ☆ Peter Thiel (Palantir)
• ☆ The European Union
• ☆ The African Union
• ☆ The United States, Canada & Cuba
• ☆ Presidents Biden & Trump
• ☆ Russia
• ☆ Ukraine
• ☆ China
• ☆ Israel
• ☆ Iran
• ☆ Arab States / Arab League /UAE/Qatar
• ☆ Egypt
• ☆ Turkey
• ☆ Azerbaijan
• ☆ Southern Ethiopians
• ☆ Amharas
• ☆ Galla-Oromos
• ☆ Eritrea
• ☆ Djibouti
• ☆ Kenya
• ☆ South Africa
• ☆ Nigeria
• ☆ Sudan
• ☆ Somalia
• ☆ Pakistan
• ☆ India
• ☆ Amnesty International
• ☆ Human Rights Watch
• ☆ World Food Program (2020 Nobel Peace Laureate)
• ☆ The Nobel Prize Committee
• ☆ The World Economic Forum
• ☆ The World Bank & International Monetary Fund (IMF)
• ☆ The International Criminal Court (ICC)
• ☆ The Atheists and Animists
• ☆ The Muslims
• ☆ The Protestants
• ☆ The Sodomites
• ☆ Mainstream Media
• ☆ Social Medias like Facebook, YouTube, Tic Tok
• ☆ TPLF

💭 Even those nations that are one another enemies, like: 'Israel vs Iran', 'Russia + China vs Ukraine + The West', 'Egypt + Sudan vs Iran + Turkey', 'India vs Pakistan' have now become friends – as they are all united in the anti-Christian, anti-Zionist-Ethiopia-Conspiracy. This has never ever happened before, it is a very curios phenomenon – a strange unique appearance in world history.

✞ With the Zionist Tigray -Ethiopians are:

• ❖ The Almighty Egziabher God & His Saints
• ❖ St. Mary of Zion
• ❖ The Ark of The Covenant

Man-made Famine and Starvation in Tigray, Ethiopia: Continuation of War in a Silent form?

https://www.bitchute.com/video/Vxcr0aYQ8Oab/

https://rumble.com/v752peo-man-made-famine-and-starvation-in-tigray-ethiopia-continuation-of-war-in-a-.html

❖ ገብርኤል 🧕 ማርያም 😇 ኡራኤል ❖ ጊዮርጊስ ❖ ተክለ ሐይማኖት ❖ መርቆርዮስ ❖ ዮሴፍ ❖ መድኃኔ ዓለም

😢😢😢 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😠😠😠

😢😢😢 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😠😠😠

😢😢😢 ዋይ! ዋይ! ዋይ! 😠😠😠

ለአረመኔ ከሃዲዎች የዋቄዮ-አላህ-ሉሲፈር ባሪያዎች ኢትዮጵያን እና መንግስቷን ማስረከብ ከፍተኛ ዋጋ እያስከፈለ ያለ እጅግ በጣም ትልቅ ስሕተት ነው። ነፍሳቸውን ይማርላቸው እና ጠቅላይ ሚንስትር መለስ ዜናዊ፤ “ለኦሮሞ ሰልጣን መሰጠት ለሕፃን ልጅ ብርጭቆ መሰጠት ነው” ማለታቸው በጣም ትክክል ነው። ይህን እያወቁ ለራሳቸው ሥጋዊ ጥቅም ሲሉ ሁሉንም ነገር ለጋላ-ኦሮሞዎች አስረክበው ይህ ሁሉ ስቃይ እና መከራ እንዲደርስብን ያደረጉት ከሃዲ ሕወሓቶች በዚህም ሆነ በወዲያኛው ዓለም በጥብቁ ነው የሚጠየቁት። የትም ዓለም ያልታየ እራስ-ጠል ክህደትና ወንጀል እኮ ነው። በሃገረ ኢትዮጵያ በግልጽ ጠላቷ የሆነው ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እና መሀመዳውያን ሥልጣን ላይ ይወጡ ዘንድ እግዚአብሔር አምላክ አይፈቅድላቸውም።

በሩሲያ ሰካራሙ የቀድሞው ፕሬዝደንት ቦሪስ የልሲን እንኳን፤ “ሃገሬን ለጠላት አላስረክብም!” በማለት ነበር ቭላዲሚር ፑቲንና አጋሮቻቸውን ሥልጣን ላይ እንዲወጡ ያደረጓቸው።

በሩዋንዳ እንኳን ከትግራይ የሕዝብ ቁጥር ብዛት የሚያንሱትና የትግራይን እና ኤርትራን ያህል ለመቶ ሃምሳ ዓመታት ያህል ብዙ ግፍና ዕልቂት ያላዩት 'ቱትሲዎች' በዘጠናዎቹ ዓመታት ጀነሳይድ አንዴ ብቻ ከተፈጸመባቸው በኋላ፤ “ከእንግዲህ ለሁቱዎቹ በጭራሽ ሥልጣኑን አንሰጥም፤ እንዲያውም ወደ ኮንጎ ድረስ ዘልቀን በመግባት የሁቱዎችን መስፋፋት እናቆመዋለን!” በማለት ማህበረሰባዊና ታሪካዊ ግዴታቸውን በመወጣት ላይ ናቸው።

በጋላ-ኦሮሞዎቹ እና አጋሮቻቸው ላይ የበቀል ጊዜ ይመጣ ዘንድ ግን ግድ ነው፤ ወዮላቸው! ወዮላቸው! ወዮላቸው!

👉 Courtesy: Martin Plaut, by Fitsum H. Gebre January 29, 2026

It is the beginning of new year; everyone is hoping for a better future. Tigrayans do also hope for a better year. Nonetheless, the situation in Tigray will not be different in 2026 or beyond given the current famine and starvation, and continuation famine designed as a strategy by the central government of Ethiopia during the last five years.

Famine and starvation are not new to Ethiopia. History of Ethiopia is characterized by endless famine. The Global Hunger Index (GHI) (2025) reports the overall hunger situation in Ethiopia is serious measuring 20.0 – 34.9 in GHI Severity of Hunger Scale. According to FEWS NET, Ethiopia ranks fifth worldwide in absolute numbers, underscoring its continued centrality to the global humanitarian crisis. It stresses that Ethiopia’s outlook remains fragile, particularly given the risk of renewed drought, conflict and access constraints related to funding shortfalls. The World Food Programme (WFP) report that around 10.2 million people are expected to require humanitarian assistance in 2025 in Ethiopia but its operations continue to face significant challenges from limited resources, pipeline disruptions, and conflict-related insecurity.

The food situation in Tigray is more severe following the brutal war conducted during 2020-2022, accompanied with series of events happening during the last five years. My argument is indicating famine and starvation in Tigray is designed as a strategy by the central government to promote famine, starvation and death of the civilians, on the top of the regime’s lack of poor-based policies. The roles of the past and current transitional governments, dominated by the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and elites supporting it, in the making of famine and starvation in Tigray may not be discounted.

Before dwelling on the famine situation in Tigray, it is important to define concepts such as famine, starvation and hunger. Famine, the extreme scarcity of food in a particular region or country, is often caused by natural factors such as drought, pest infestation, etc. and/or socio-economic causes such as war, displacement, instability, etc. Starvation, on the other hand, is the individual experience of severe hunger and malnutrition, often resulting from prolonged periods of inadequate food intake. Hunger is usually understood as distress associated with a lack of sufficient calories. Both famine and starvation can have devastating consequences on individuals and communities, as it is happening in Tigray now. Although, natural factors played a role in its making, famine and starvation in Tigray is primarily man-made.

A Nobel laurate in Economics, Amartya Sen (1998) coined the term ’entitlement approach’ in famine and poverty, focusing on the Ethiopian famines of 1973 and 1974, among others, as inability of the individual to access food and other essential assets due to economic, political and social factors. The triggering causes could be natural factors like drought, locust/pest infestation, hailstorm, etc. or man-made factors like war, displacement, and destruction of property, etc.

Famine as war strategy

Internally displaced people (IDP), in Hitsath and other camps, are caused by the intentional dislocation of the people from Western Tigray by the government and Amhara forces since Nov 2020. The IDPs and people in most parts of Tigray have been the victims of famine and starvation as has been widely circulated in the social media. Famine in Tigray was the result of war strategy followed by the central government to starve the civilians including those in IDPs. The policy pursued are full-scale blockade, including a near complete halt of movement of people, goods, and humanitarian aid to and from the region, complete communication blackout like blockade of access to the media, closure of banks and freezing the bank accounts of ethnic Tigrayans—both within the region and nationwide. The multilayered siege left Tigray almost entirely cut off from the outside world, with commercial and humanitarian supplies deliberately obstructed for most of the period. The communication blackout was implemented to deliberately produce and deliberately obscure, with aim to block the domestic and global attention. These policies resulted in widespread deprivation, suffering and death, much of which has received little documentation or recognition.

The war resulted into large-scale and systematic destruction and looting of social and economic infrastructures, including industries, farms, irrigation systems, food stocks, crop fields, orchards, food storage facilities, and businesses across Tigray. The occupying forces also actively obstructed farmers from tilling and planting their land, destroyed crops and damaged farm property, slaughtered livestock, and deprived them of access to alternative sources of livelihood such as beekeeping, traditional gold mining, and seasonal migration. Drone attacks and aerial bombing campaigns, targeting market centers and transport vehicles made civilian movement and commercial activities within the region incredibly difficult, and caused major disruptions in access to health services, food, and related critical services.

Satellite and ground evidence show a net loss of 543 square km of arable land and there are reports that show the war, in its seventh month in the conflict, was associated with a 37 percentage points increase in the probability of moderate to severe food insecurity.

Urban deprivation: The starvation no one saw

The narrative on humanitarian crisis during the Tigray siege has overwhelmingly focused on rural famine and the plight of IDPs. While these stories are both tragic and important, they do not represent the full picture of the suffering. Largely absent from both aid frameworks and scholarly attention is the acute yet silent starvation that gripped urban professionals—civil servants, schoolteachers, university faculty, salaried workers reliant on bank accounts, and pensioned retirees. In many urban centers in Tigray, these middle-income groups were among the first to be impacted by the siege, yet they remained invisible in the humanitarian responses.

Unlike rural residents, urban professionals who depended almost entirely on monthly salaries and modern banking infrastructure, were appraised to have led stable and relatively predictable lives before the war. When the war began and the region was besieged, the whole ecosystem they depended on collapsed. Salaries ceased without warning, banks were closed and accounts frozen, telecommunications shut down, and, critically, these sections of the population were overlooked by humanitarian actors. What followed was physical deprivation and profound psychological distress, as many experienced hunger for the first time under conditions that offered no formal recognition of their suffering. Pensioners—often urban residents with savings in banks and dependent on the monthly retirement salary, but no physical assets—also plunged into destitution.

The starvation in Tigray over the past five years should be understood within this context. The intent to starve the population was evident both in statements made by officials and in the actions taken during and after the war. Indeed, in its 2023 report, the UN-mandated International Commission of Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE) concluded that the Ethiopian government and its allies used “… starvation of the civilian population as a method of warfare, including by pillaging and destroying, removing, or rendering useless objects indispensable to their survival.”

Silence the guns but starvation still continues

The guns are silent in Tigray since Cession of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA), also known as Pretoria agreement, signed between the central government and the TPLF. Despite the agreement, the central government continue to impose economic blockade, obstruction of humanitarian aid and fuel and medical aid supply. This year alone there are reports of obstruction of humanitarian aid, blocking of monthly salary of the civil servants and freezing accounts of TPLF-affiliated companies in the commercial Bank of Ethiopia and significant reduction of fuel supply to Tigray.

Serious starvation and death in Hitsats and other places was reported by Tigray government affiliated Tigray Genocide Commission and the social media by tic tokers, and the later started mobilizing money and food for the hungry. The government’s denied of the existence of famine and starvation in Tigray. The government declared the attempt to mobilize contributions through social media is illegal and to be confiscated.

Tigray is an orphan without a government: what is next?

Tigray is in a political crisis threatening its existence as a national identity. The central government, despite the rhetoric, does not tolerate any peaceful opposition from within the party or outside and hopes of accommodating diversity in Ethiopia is practically impossible. It weakened all mechanisms of check-and-balances in the federal structure, dismantled functional and independent media, and replaced them by loyal media and by what it calls ‘media serwit’ [literally means soldiers of the media]. It is centralizing power in the country, the central government interfering in important regional affairs. The central government is doing everything it can to indulge regions in endless crisis and conflicts. It, for example, weakens Tigray, divids it, made possible by the divisions within the TPLF, obliterates it piece by piece, and perhaps other regions as well.

The TPLF has hindered any political reforms, weakened Tigray’s unity and its negotiating power against the central government. Tragically, part of the TPLF-wing, which claims itself to be true TPLF, chose to form alliance with the Shaebya (Eritrean) regime in a strategy called ‘Tsimdo’, which literally means pairing, despite the latter’s active involvement in the genocide war in Tigray, together with the Ethiopian central government, and continues to occupy districts and sub-districts in Tigray bordering Eritrea. One article characterized the main attributes of TPLF as ‘betrayal, venality, selfishness and short-sightedness’. The military oligarchy, which includes commanders of Core and above in ex-Tigrayan Defense Forces (TDF), is another important power center in Tigray, openly allayed with the TPLF-wing, exacerbating the political crisis. Ato Getachew’s, the ex-president of Tigray serving now as a cabinet member in the Abiy government, recent response to famine and latest political rhetoric sounds like ‘intellectual prostitution’ which is tantamount to self-destruction, from a picture that he used to depict during Tigrayan war. Getachew seems now to have been engaged in washing away widely documented crimes of the Ethiopian Defence Forces and Abiy Ahmed, the prime minister of Ethiopia, and other high-ranking functionaries, as the other wing of TPLF is doing with respect to Shaebya. By calling now for the central government to take measure against the so-called TPLF, Getachew may enable another genocide in Tigray, while the multitude effects of the first genocide on the people are still lingering. The second interim government, as it was the case of the first, is unable to be a true government, standing for itself, the people, and serving the basic functions of a government in the region.

This article reinforces the call for national dialogue and new leadership in Tigray  that centers on the interest of the people and geo-political realities in the whole region; it is very instrumental for ending internal displacement and famine, starvation in Tigray. It is, hence, a call for the people of Tigray, especially its elites, to openly stand for their national interest and against the TPLF, if necessary. Finally, a new political landscape in Tigray requires political change in the center, making horizontal communications and collaborations, among peaceful and non-peaceful opposition forces in Ethiopia, and commitment for genuine change necessary.

😔 Starvation As a Weapon of War: How The Fascist Oromo Islamic Regime of Ethiopia Created a Famine in Tigray

https://axumitethiopia.blogspot.com/2025/11/starvation-as-weapon-of-war-how-fascist.html

https://rumble.com/v7161bo-starvation-as-a-weapon-of-war-how-the-fascist-oromo-regime-of-ethiopia-crea.html

https://www.bitchute.com/video/Qvr90HS7pCmo/

😔 ረሃብ እንደ ጦርነት መሳሪያ፡- የፋሺስቱ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ አገዛዝ በትግራይ ረሃብን እንዴት ፈጠረ?

በዓለም ታሪክ ምናልባት የሶቪየቱ ጆሴፍ ስታሊን በዩክሬን ኦርቶዶክስ ክርስቲያኖች ላይ የፈጸመው የሆሎዶሞር የረሃብ ጀነሳይድ (እስከ አስር ሚሊየን ክርስቲያኖች በረሃብ ተጨፍጭፈዋል) ነው በትግራይ እና ሰሚን ወሎ ፋሺስቱ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ እስላማዊ አገዛዝ እና አጋሮቹ ረሃብን እንደ ጦር መሳሪያ በመጠቀም እየፈጸመው ካለው ጭካኔ ጋር የሚመሳሰለው።

ሕዝባችን በረሃብ እያለቀ የሉሲፈራውያኑ ወኪል ጄነራል ፃድቃን ግን በጄኔቫ ባለ አምስት ኮከብ ሆቴል ውስጥ ይንደላቀቃል

https://rumble.com/v74exxg-430678852.html

👹 እነዚህን የሉሲፈራውያን ቅጥረኞች እንዴት እንደምጸየፋቸውና እንደምጠላቸው!!!

እንስሳት እንኳን ልጆቻቸውንና ዘራቸው በጠላት በጭራሽ አያስነኩም፣ እነዚህ ፍጥረታት ግን የአክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ልጆችን ለአረመኔ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ ዘንዶ እና ቁራ አሳልፈው ሰጧቸው፤

“ኑ እና ጨፍጭፉልን፣ አስርቡልን፣ መርዙልን፣ ድፈሩልን!” አሏቸው

የዘር ማጥፋት ዘመቻውን ሉሲፈራውያኑ በሰጧቸው ስክሪፕት መሠረት ድራማ እየሠሩ ጀመሩት፣ ከሚሊየን በላይ አባቶቻችንን፣ እናቶቻችን፣ እኅቶቻችንን፣ ወንድሞቻችንን፣ ሕፃናቶቻችንን ጨፈጨፉ፣ አፈናቀሉ፣ አስራቡ፣ ደፈሩ። 'የተከፋፍለናል' ማታለያ ድራማቸውን በመቀጠል ከፊሎቹ ወደ አዲስ አበባ፣ ከፊሎቹ ደግሞ ወደ አስመራ በማምራት ከፍትሕ እና ተጠያቂነት ለማምለጥ ብሎም ወንጀለኛውን ከሃዲ ሕወሓት የተባለ ድርጅትና የሉሲፈር ባንዲራውን ለማዳን በአጋንንታዊ ግትርነት ሕዝባችንን ለሌላ የጭፍጨፋ እና ረሃብ ሁኔታ ማዘጋጀቱን መረጡ።

አዎ! በእነዚህ ቀናት ሉሲፈራውያኑ የዓለም ኤኮኖሚክ ፎረም ሤረኞች በእነዚህ ቀናት በስዊዘርላንዷ ዳቮስ እነ ወስላታው ዶላር ትራምፕ በሚገኙበት ይካሄዳል። ጄነራል ፃድቃንም በትግራይ በተፈጸመው ጄነሳይድ ወቅት የተቀረጹትን ምስሎች ለሉሲፈራውያኑ አጋሮቹ “ግባችንን እየመታን ነው!” በሚል መንፈስ ለማሳየትና 'ለማክበር' ወደ ጄኔቫ አምርቷል። እዚያም ከአጋሩ ከእነ ዶ/ር ቴድሮስ አድሃኖም ጋር ይገናኛል። ሰካራሚ ጌታቸው ረዳ ከሦስት ዓመታት በፊት፤ “በጦርነቱ ወቅት ስለ ጀነሳይዱ የሚያሳዩ በዙ ቪዲዮዎችን ቀርጸናል፣ አሁን አናሳያቸውም፣ እናስቀምጣቸዋልን” በማለት የተናገረውን እናስታውሳለን?

አቤት እነዚህን የሰይጣን ጭፍሮች የሚጠብቃቸው የእሳት መዓት! በዓለም ታሪክ እንደዚህ ዓይነት ወራዳ፣ ቆሻሻ እና ዲያብሎሳዊ ወንጀል አይተንና ሰምተን አናውቅም እኮ።

የእነዚህ ከሃዲዎች ዲያብሎሳዊ ግብር ዛሬ ለብዙዎቻችን ግልጽ ነው፤ ከእነርሱ የከፉ ሆነው የሚታዩት እና የሚሰሙት ግን በተለይ በዲያስፐራ የሚገኙት ቅጠረኛ 'ሜዲያዎች' ናቸው። ይህን ከዓመታት በፊት ጀምሮ ስንጠቁም ቆይተናል። ዛሬም እናስጠነቅቃቸዋለን!

💭 Civilizational Rupture and Political Responsibility: A Critical Examination of General Tsadkan Gebretinsae’s Role within the TPLF Askaris and Bandits.

♰ በአክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ላይ ለሚፈጸመው ጀነሳይድ ተጠያቂ ከሆኑት ክሃዲ የጋላ-ኦሮሞ ወኪሎች መካከል፤ 👹 'ስታሊን'

https://axumitethiopia.blogspot.com/2025/08/blog-post.html

👹 ባንዳው ኢ-አማኒ 'ስታሊን'፤ "ኢትዮጵያ ስትፈርስ ቁሜ በማየቴ እድለኛ ነኝ"

😔 ሕዝቤ በከፍተኛ ስቃይና መከራ ላይ በሚገኝበት በዚህ ዘመን፣ ተሽሞንሙነውና ከረባት አስረው ወንጀለኛ ተግባር በመፈጸም ላይ ያሉት እነዚህ ዲቃላዎች በፍጹም የአባቶቼ ምድር የአክሱማዊቷ ኢትዮጵያ ልጆች አይደሉም!

እግዚአብሔር ይይላቸው! ብዙዎቹ ነፍሳቸውን ለሰይጣን ከሸጡት ከንቱዎች መካከል ናቸውና ወዮላቸው!

ከአራት ዓመታት ጀምሮ የእነዚህን ሤረኞች ስም በመጥራት የተቻለኝን ማስጠንቀቂያ ስ ሰጣቸው ቆይቻለሁ። ዛሬም ጥቂቶቹን በማንሳት እስከ መጭው የጌታችን የስቅለት ዕለት ለንሰሐ ይበቁ ዘንድ እራሳቸውን እንዲያጋልጡ ወንድማዊ ጥሪየን አቀርብላቸዋለሁ። ማንነታቸው በግልጽ የታወቀ ነውና የዋቄዮ-አላህ-ባፎሜት-ሉሲፈር ሜዲያዎችንና አክቲቪስቶችን ስም አላካተትኩም፤

☆ዛራ ሜዲያ/ ስታሊን(አሉላ እና ስታሊን 'አማራ'የተባለው ልክ እንደ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ ከኢትዮጵያ እንዲላቀቅ ስለሚፈልጉ አሁን ግልብጥ ብለው የጦር ወንጀለኛው ፋኖ ደጋፊዎች ሆነዋል)። ልብ እንበል፤ በጀነሳይዱ ከፍታ ወቅት ለጄነሳይዱ ተጠያቂዎች ከሆኑት ሜዲያዎች አንዱ እና 'ቲ.ኤም.ኤች' በተሰኘው ሜዲያ ከሞኞቹ እኅቶቼና ወንድሞቼ ሚሊየን ዶላር'ሰርቆ' ሰርግ የደገሰው ኢ-አማኒው ከሃዲ አሉላ ሰለሞን ልክ ጌታቸው አረዳ እና ደብረ ሲዖል 'ተከፋፍለናል' ብለው ሕዝቡን ማታለሉን እንደቀጠሉበት ለኢ-አማኒው እና ከሃዲው ወንድሙ ለ ስታሊንም 'ዛራ' የተሰኘውን ዛራም ሜዲያ እንዲከፍት አዞት ዛሬም ሞኙን ወገኔን በጋራ ተናብበው በማታለል ላይ ይገኛሉ። ገጽታቸው፣ ዓይናቸው፣ ድምጻቸው እኮ ይናገራል! እነዚህን ሜዲያ ሰብስክራይብ ያደረጋችሁ ሁሉ እንደ አንድ ጣዖት አምላኪ እናንተም ተጠያቂዎች ናችሁ።

☆ ኢሳት

☆ ኢ.ኤም.ኤስ

☆ ኦሮማራ/ኢትዮ360/ኃብታሙ አያሌው፣ ኤርሚያስ ለገሰ ወዘተ

☆ ቲ.ኤም.ኤች እና አሉላ ሰለሞን (በጀነሳይዱ አስከፊ ወቅት ውድ ሠርጉን ደግሷል)

☆ ዲጂታል ወያኔ

☆ ደደቢት

☆ አበበ በለው

☆ አበበ ገላው

☆ ቤተሰብ ሜዲያ

☆ ዘመድኩን በቀለ

☆ ደሬ ቲውብ

☆ ደሩ ዘ-ሐረሩ፣(ደግሞ እኮ በብዛት ከሐረር ኤሚራት ናቸው)

☆ ኢንጅነር ይልቃል

☆ ልደቱ አያሌው

☆ አንዳርጋቸው ፅጌ

☆ ፋንታሁን ዋቄ

☆ ኤድመንድ ብርሃኔ

☆ ማርያማዊት/ሆራይዘን ነፃ ሜዲያ

☆ UMD ሜዲያ/ፕሮፌሰር ሙሉጌታ

☆ ኢትዮ ፎረም (ላይ ከተጠቀሱት አራት ግለሰቦች ጋር እንዴት ከሃገር ወጡ? ማን እንዲህ በቀላሉ ፈቅዶላቸው? እንደሌሎቹ ግራኝ የሚቆጣጠራቸው ተቃዋሚዎች ይሆኑ?ጥርጣሬ አለኝ)

☆ ርዕዮት ሜዲያ (ያኔ ግራኝ ዋሽንግተን የመጣ ወቅት የተቃዋሚ ሜዲያ ይሆን ዘንድ የመለመለው ይመስለኛል፤ አብሮት ያለው ባልደረባው ቴዎድሮስ አስፋውም (አረመኔውን ግራኝን ዛሬም በአንቱ በእሳቸውና በጠቅላይ ሚንስትሩ ነው የሚያናግረው) በስልት ከኢትዮጵያ እንዲወጣ የተደረገ ይመስለኛል። ቀደም ሲል በኢሚራቶች ለሚዶጎሙት የአህዛብ ቻነሎች ለአባይ ሜዲያ እና ለአዲስ ዘይቤ ይሰራ ነበር፤ ቴዎድሮስ ፀጋዬም ገና ያኔ አዲስ አበባ እያለ ነው ቴዎድሮስ አስፋው ጋር ሲገናኝ የነበረው። እንግዲህ ይህ ጥርጣሬ መሰረተ ቢስ ከሆነ በጉዳዩ ላይ ወጥተው ይናገሩ)

እና ብዙ ሌሎችም የጋላ-ኦሮሞ፣ የኦሮማራ እና የሕወሓት ሜዲያዎች ለተጠያቂነት ማቅረብ የጽዮናውያንን ግዴታ ነው። ሌላ ምንም አማራጭ እንደሌለ በተለይ ላለፉት አራት ዓመታት በደንብ አይተነዋል።

👹 ጋላ-ኦሮሞዎቹ 'ልሂቃን' ለአደርባዩ ቴዎድሮስ 'ርዕዮት' ፀጋየ፤ “አብይ አህመድ ለኦሮሞ ሕዝብ ባለውለታ ነው፤ ለኦሮሞ ኮዝ ሰማዕት ነው ”

https://axumitethiopia.blogspot.com/2025/08/blog-post_14.html

🐍 እባቡ ጎዳና ያዕቆብ፤ “ለኦሮሞዎች አንድ ሚሊየን የሰሜን ኢትዮጵያ ክርስቲያኖች (ትግሬዎች)መጨፍጨፋቸው እንደ ድል ይቆጠራል፤ አብይ ለኦሮሞ ኮዝ ሰማዕት ነው”። ይህ ክፉ ጋላ-ኦሮሞ በከፍተኛው የጀነሳይድ ዘመቻ ወቅት ይህን ሲናገር አንድ ሚሊየን ቁንጫ እንደተጨፈጨፈ ያህል በግድ-የለሽነት እና በቅዝቃዜ ነው። ተመልከቱት!