👹
AntichristUAE defenses intercept Iranian missile and drone
onslaught but five-star hotel ‘destroyed by debris’.
😲 Shocking footage
recorded by Dubai residents shows a flurry of Iranian missiles being
intercepted over the city in the early hours of March 18.
The United Arab Emirates
Ministry of Defence said its air defences reacted quickly to incoming
threats from Iran.
Footage circulating on
social media shows the scene over Dubai International City, as
explosions could be heard across the city as a result of successful
interceptions.
😔 The failure to
provide justice and accountability for genocide,
war crimes and mass atrocities is widely recognized as a
direct driver of future conflict, often fueling cycles of violence.
When perpetrators are not
held accountable, it creates a "culture of impunity" that
encourages further violations and undermines the stability of
international law.
In the absence of any meaningful forms of justice and accountability,
impunity for genocide is fueling another genocidal language, vicious
cycle of lawlessness and recurring massacres in Ethiopia. When such
evil perpetrators face no consequences, hatred and violence are
normalised, survivors are silenced, and peace remains fragile.
👉 Courtesy: The
Globe and Mail, by Samuel Getachew and Geoffrey York, Africa
Bureau Chief, March 16, 2026
Five years
after the massacre that killed two members of her family, 71-year-old
Abeba Gebregeziaber is convinced that another horrific war is
looming.
She lives in
the ancient city of Axum, in the highlands of northern Ethiopia,
where Eritrean soldiers killed hundreds of civilians with
machine-guns and house-to-house executions in late 2020. Her son and
son-in-law were among the victims.
“The killing
lasted for days,” she said. “Since then, it’s been a slow death
for me. I have no more tears to cry. And I am certain that more
conflict is coming.”
For weeks, the
fascist Oromo Islamic army of Ethiopia has been mobilizing troops and
equipment in the north, around the Tigray region and the border of
neighboring Eritrea − the same region that suffered a devastating
war from 2020 to 2022, with Axum one of Tigray’s worst-hit cities.
Tensions and
warnings of war have escalated, with clashes briefly erupting in late
January. Eritrean and Tigrayan soldiers – once enemies, now
unofficially allied against the fascist Oromo Islamic regime of
Ethiopia − have been deployed into the border areas.
Fears of war
surge in northern Ethiopia as armies mobilize
The leaders of
landlocked Ethiopia are demanding a port on the Red Sea, a dangerous
ambition that has triggered alarm about a potential military
incursion into Eritrea.
Scholars
estimated that 600,000 people died from violence, famine and disease
in the last Tigray war. Many were killed in atrocities that sparked
accusations of genocide.
Now
the survivors of those earlier massacres are fearful again.
“We are a
wounded people,” said Abeba Desalegn, a 59-year-old woman in Axum
whose brother was killed in the 2020 massacre.
Like many here,
she is contemplating a departure from Tigray to escape war. “Our
wounds have yet to heal,” she told The Globe and Mail. “The
people of Tigray have yet to get any justice from the last war. To
launch another conflict would be the end of us.”
She still
remembers the Eritrean troops arriving in the city in the middle of
the night, just a few weeks after the war erupted. “I heard
screaming, but I was too scared to venture outside,” she said.
“In the
morning, I discovered my street full of dead bodies. Among them was
my own younger brother. He was killed execution-style.”
The bodies
rotted in the streets for days because the Eritreans prevented anyone
from carrying out proper burials, she said. Her 17-year-old son
joined the Tigrayan army to seek revenge. At the end of the war,
officials notified her that he was dead.
Axum, the
2,500-year-old former capital of the Axumite
Empire, has been declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site for its
ancient obelisks and palaces. It is famed as a holy city and a site
of religious pilgrimages.
But these days,
with the threat of war rising again, the tourists are gone. Even many
of the locals are fleeing.
Hoarding and
black-market selling are becoming common. Many shop shelves are
empty. Hospitals and clinics are running out of medicine. Banks are
limiting withdrawals because of cash shortages.
Factories and
infrastructure in Axum are still in ruins from the last war. Even
some of the historic obelisks are cracked or have collapsed as a
result of delayed restorations.
Similar
hardships have also led to an exodus from Tigray’s capital,
Mekelle. Flights from the city are full. The buses to Addis Ababa
have become so crowded that scalpers are selling tickets at
exorbitant prices.
At Mekelle’s
bus station, Saba Gebre has been waiting for a bus for days without
any luck. If she cannot get on one, she says, she will hitchhike.
Some residents are leaving on foot, walking to the neighboring Afar
region.
“We do not
want a war,” said Ms. Gebre, who lost many of her relatives in the
earlier conflict.
“We already
paid a heavy price in the last war. To relive that traumatic
experience again would be inhuman.
All sides in
the region are accusing others of preparing for war. Tigrayan
leaders, alleging that the fascist Oromo Islamic army of Ethiopia is
encircling the region, have said that a war is increasingly likely.
Prime Minister of the regime, genocidal Abiy
Ahmed has complained that the Tigrayans are buying weapons and
inciting conflict.
Eritrean and
Ethiopian politicians have been embroiled in a war of words, with
genocidal Abiy Ahmed Ali recently accusing
Eritrea of “evil deeds” in the last war – including the Axum
massacre, which he had previously ignored. Eritrea says the Abiy
government has a “war agenda.”
Analysts are
worried. A U.S.-based research group, the Critical Threats Project,
predicted in late February that the fascist Oromo Islamic army would
attack Tigrayan forces within a month. Another organization, the
International Crisis Group, says the risk of war is palpable, with a
proliferation of potential flashpoints and grievances.
A new conflict
could be much deadlier than the last one, becoming enmeshed with the
devastating war in neighboring Sudan and dragging in other countries
such as Egypt and the Gulf states. Already there are persistent
reports that Ethiopia is providing logistical help to the Rapid
Support Forces, the paramilitary group that has been battling the
Sudanese army since 2023.
A new conflict
could tear Ethiopia apart. Insurgents in the Amhara and Oromia
regions have become a major threat to government forces and have
reportedly won support from Eritrea. War in Tigray could embolden
them further.
Foreign
governments, alarmed by the specter of another destructive war in the
Horn of Africa, are urging all sides to refrain from attacks. Last
week, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio spoke with genocidal
Abiy Ahmed by phone. Few details
were released, but the two men discussed “their shared commitment
to regional stability” and “long-term security in the Horn of
Africa,” according to a State Department readout.
• Claiming
western Tigray as historically Amhara, its militia forced out
Tigrayan civilians through a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing.
• There are
horrific conditions within a large camp for internally displaced
persons (IDPs) at Hitsats, in northwest Tigray.
• The TPLF
knew it. The Ethiopian government knew it. The UN and other
humanitarian agencies did so as well.
• “The
foreign donors ignore us and give us their back. The party (TPLF), to
which we dedicated our lives, has given us its back.”
• The TPLF is
busy faction-fighting and convening inconsequential public meetings.
• THE
INSENSITIVITY IS BREATHTAKING. The TPLF even collects party
membership dues from exhausted and hungry IDPs.
👹
Fetleworq Gebreegzabhier, who runs TPLF’s headquarters in the
regional capital, Mekelle, claims IDPs tell her survival of the
party.
👹 The
Fascist Galla-Oromo Islamic Regime, the TPLF, the Tigray Interim
Regional Administration (TIRA) and the Amhara Forces are all
responsible for this tragedy.
😢😢😢
ዋይ!
ዋይ!
ዋይ!
😠😠😠
😢😢😢
ዋይ!
ዋይ!
ዋይ!
😠😠😠
😢😢😢
ዋይ!
ዋይ!
ዋይ!
😠😠😠
Woe to you;
👹 The Heathen
Galla-Oromos and allies
👹 The Heathen
Oromara/Amharas and allies
👹 The Atheist TPLF
Worshipers and allies
👹 The Atheist EPLF
Worshipers and allies
You are playing the
diabolic game: 'Thesis-Antithesis-Synthesis' under the guidance of
your Luciferian masters. You all work together to exterminate our
Christian People. Woe to you all!
The Hand of the
Lord is upon you. God’s judgment is coming to you, the verdict is
given, and sentence is passed. YOU ARE GUILTY!
God’s
judgment is right...The Almighty Egziabher God is just: He will pay
back trouble for those that trouble and hurt
us...The Most Holy Trinity will punish those who do not know God and
do not obey the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ. They will be
punished. They will be punished with everlasting destruction and shut
out from the presence of The Lord and from The Glory of His Might.
Echoes of the shameful
time of the callous and Indifferent Haile Selassie and Mengistu
Hailemariam are growing deafening.
In July 1972,
the last emperor of Ethiopia celebrated his 80th birthday in
extravagant style, culminating in a sumptuous banquet for 2,000 elite
guests. Meanwhile, tens of thousands of his subjects were dying of
starvation in Tigray and Wollo.
The callous
indifference of the emperor’s government towards this catastrophe
helped cement the idea among large segments of the population that
Haile Selassie was an out-of-touch, self-dealing autocrat, unfit to
rule Ethiopia. Barely two years later he was deposed in a revolution
and a military coup.
In today’s
Ethiopia, echoes of that shameful time are growing deafening. In late
December, footage began to spread on social media of the horrific
conditions within a large camp for internally displaced persons
(IDPs) at Hitsats, in northwest Tigray.
Claiming
western Tigray as historically Amhara, its militia forced out
Tigrayan civilians through a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing that
included systematic rape, torture and killings. The violence had the
tacit support of the Ethiopian and Eritrean militaries.
Long before the
videos from Hitsats emerged, it was clear to anyone who cared to look
that the IDPs were in desperate need. The TPLF knew it. The Ethiopian
government knew it. The UN and other humanitarian agencies did so as
well.
But all of
these powerful people and institutions, like Haile Selassie half a
century ago, were in denial.
“The
foreign donors ignore us and give us their back. The party, to which
we dedicated our lives, has given us its back.”
At a time when
the images from Hitsats dominated social media, causing shock and
outrage, the TPLF was busy faction-fighting and convening
inconsequential public meetings – including one advertised as the
“the executive capacity building forum”.
The federal
government, the TPLF, and the Tigray Interim Regional Administration
(TIRA) – set up under the ceasefire agreement as a first step
towards Tigray’s re-inclusion in the federation – have tried to
distance themselves from the crisis by blaming each other. Yet they
are all responsible.
In December,
TIRA president Tadese Werede visited the Adi-Shementenay area –
next door to Hitsats – to inspect a road project. He said nothing
about the hungry IDPs whose images were flooding social media, and
neither did he divert his entourage to the camp to offer any support.
THE
INSENSITIVITY IS BREATHTAKING. The TPLF even collects party
membership dues from exhausted and hungry IDPs.
Fetleworq
Gebreegzabhier, who runs TPLF’s headquarters in the regional
capital, Mekelle, claims IDPs tell her survival of the party –
which is under growing political pressure from the federal government
– is their primary concern. “Wherever we discussed [it], they
said no people can be saved without first the party being saved,”
she said at a press conference.
The
insensitivity is breathtaking. The TPLF even collects party
membership dues from exhausted and hungry IDPs. “They asked me for
party membership payment,” an IDP from Hitsats told The New
Humanitarian. “I answered them, ‘I have no money, I can't pay’.”
The federal
government also has a role to play in the crisis. It insists that all
humanitarian assistance must be channeled through its delivery
mechanisms, and suggests the Tigrayan authorities are to blame for
shortages by pocketing food aid.
The TIRA argues
that the fault lies at the federal level – before the aid gets to
Tigray. It suggests that Addis Ababa is punishing the region, its
former enemy. “They [are all] weaponising our suffering, our
death,” concluded the elderly man in Hitsats.
A critical
failing of the Pretoria ceasefire agreement was that it skirted the
issue of IDP returns to western Tigray.
Under the terms
of the accord, responsibility for ensuring safe repatriation lies
with the federal government, but it is unclear who will be granted
political cI fought in the 2020-2022 war as a Tigray Defence Force
soldier. Witnessing the horror of Hitsats, and the continued
suffering facing IDPs denied the chance to go home and rebuild their
lives, I feel that I have failed the people of Tigray.
Yet, like so
many others in Tigray, I also feel betrayed. The war we fought has
improved nobody's lives, except the political elites in Addis Ababa
and Mekelle. And if war comes again, so many more will suffer –
forced from their homes, families torn apart, livelihoods and lives
once more destroyed.ontrol of the region, currently under Amhara
administration.
